“God is our refuge and strength, a very present help in trouble.” Psalm 46:1
Written by Dr. Marcus J. Serven
Following the great spiritual conflict at the imperial diet at Worms between Martin Luther and his accusers (1521), the Roman Catholic Church issued a Papal Bull proclaiming Luther’s excommunication. Not only was Luther’s soul threatened, but also his physical life. A supportive German Prince, Frederick of Saxony, providentially arranged for his “kidnapping” from the Roman Catholic authorities. Heavily-armed knights, loyal to Frederick, disguised themselves as common thieves and captured Luther, whisking him off to a castle high in the mountains of Thuringia. For almost a year he lay hidden in “The Wartburg” under the false name “George the Knight,” or Junker Jorg. During this time he grew a beard and carried a large sword to complete the disguise. Although the Reformation went on without him, he did not fall into a period of melancholy and apathy. Instead, he used his time of concealment well, translating the entire New Testament into the German vernacular (1522). He also began work on a translation of the Old Testament which he completed later (1534).
Moreover, during this time of forced detainment he wrote many stirring hymns of which “A Mighty Fortress Is Our God” is the best known. Based on Psalm 46, the words of verse one were especially powerful to the solitary Reformer–“God is our refuge and strength, a very present help in trouble.” It has been reported that while watching the smoke from the many peasant campfires in the valley below, Luther became discouraged by feelings of loneliness and discouragement. A fresh wind, though, blew the smoke away, and he was greatly encouraged by the thought that the Lord could blow his own fears and doubts away. Roland Bainton writes,
That great battle hymn of the Reformation, “A Mighty Fortress,” appeared only in a later hymnbook. Here if anywhere we have both Luther’s words and music, and here more than elsewhere we have the epitome of Luther’s religious character. The hymn is based on the Vulgate version of the Forty-sixth Psalm, for Luther in his personal devotions continued to use the Latin on which he had been reared. Whereas in this psalm the Hebrew reads “God is our refuge.” The Latin has “Our God is a refuge.” Similarly Luther begins, “A mighty fortress is our God.” Though the Forty-sixth Psalm is basic, it is handled with exceeding freedom and interwoven with many remembrances of the Pauline epistles and the Apocalypse. Richly quarried, rugged words set to majestic tones marshal the embattled hosts of heaven. The hymn to the end strains under the overtones of cosmic conflict as the Lord God of Sabaoth smites the prince of darkness grim and vindicates the martyred saints. Luther’s people learned to sing…A Jesuit testified that “the hymns of Luther killed more souls than his sermons.”
Roland Bainton, Here I Stand, 270-271
When you consider the promises of God contained in Psalm 46:1, “God is our refuge and strength,” and how Luther lay safely hidden in the Wartburg Castle, then it is easy to understand his powerful lyrics written in the context of his captivity. He rejoiced that the Lord had delivered him from his enemies for a season, and that he was able to continue the spread of the Reformation through his translation of the New Testament, his books, and his hymns.
A Mighty Fortress Is Our God
A mighty fortress is our God, a bulwark never failing;our helper he amid the flood of mortal ills prevailing.For still our ancient foe doth seek to work us woe;his craft and power are great; and armed with cruel hate,on earth is not his equal.
Did we in our own strength confide, our striving would be losing;were not the right man on our side, the man of God’s own choosing.Dost ask who that may be? Christ Jesus, it is he,Lord Sabaoth his name, from age to age the same,and he must win the battle.
And though this world, with devils filled, should threaten to undo us,we will not fear, for God hath willed His truth to triumph through us.The prince of darkness grim, we tremble not for him;his rage we can endure, for lo! his doom is sure;one little word shall fell him.
That word above all earthly powers, no thanks to them, abideth;the Spirit and the gifts are ours through him who with us sideth.Let goods and kindred go, this mortal life also;the body they may kill; God’s truth abideth still;his kingdom is forever.
–from the Trinity Hymnal
____________________
Sources:
“A Mighty Fortress Is Our God” in the Trinity Hymnal. Revised Edition. Atlanta, GA: Great Commission Publications, 1990 [page 92].
Bainton, Roland H. Here I Stand: A Life of Martin Luther. New York, NY: Meridian Books, 1950.
Dr. Marcus J. Serven, ThM and DMin
The Genevan Foundation – Copyright November 2012 – All Rights Reserved
“Blessed are those who are persecuted for righteousness’ sake, for theirs is the kingdom of heaven.” Matthew 5:10
John Wycliffe (c.1330-1384) was born to a propertied family in Yorkshire, England. His parents encouraged him toward service in the English Church and sent him at sixteen years of age to study at Oxford University, which was recognized as one of the most learned centers of education in Europe. Here he excelled in his studies, and in time he became a noted scholar in philosophy and theology. He was profoundly influenced by Augustine’s writings on the sovereignty of God and adopted his view on the doctrine of election. Eventually, he taught at Oxford as a regular lecturer where his preaching and teaching were well received by the students and faculty alike. In 1360 the University rewarded Wycliffe for his academic skills and selected him to become the Master of Balliol College. Clearly, Wycliffe was favored by both God and men. Further studies resulted in a Master of Arts degree in 1361, a Bachelor of Divinity degree in 1369, and a Doctor of Divinity degree in 1372. During these years of studying, teaching, and preaching he wrote many important works in the areas of philosophy and theology. He was a prolific writer and preacher. His best known work was his Summa Theologica which was published near the end of his life. In gratitude for his excellent scholarship, the leaders of the English Church awarded him the position of Rector at the parish in Lincolnshire (1361), however he spent very little time there. It was the custom of the day for many scholarly men to hire a local priest to serve as pastor in their absence. In this way they had a financial base for ongoing studies and the prestige of holding a parish title, or an “ecclesiastical living.”
Oxford University had long been troubled by traveling monks (i.e. “Mendicant monks”) who begged for their food and support on school grounds. These monks erroneously reasoned that they were due financial support because Christ, himself, was a common beggar. Wycliffe felt that these men were extremely lazy and he published a treatise against them. Threatened by his formidable opposition, the monks turned against Wycliffe and remained bitter foes throughout the rest of his life. In addition, Wycliffe wrote against the excessive luxury that many English clergy sought for with all their cleverness and industry. He colorfully writes,
Let us see how such prelates are infected by the splendor of the world and by avarice. Certain ones presume to feed the reprobate from the goods of the poor, so that they become rich men in the world’s eye, actors, who proclaim publicly that those curates are generous providers…The king of pride has broken forth to such an extent in superfluous expenditures that he moves priests in five ways to have hunting dogs, fat horses, superfluous ornaments, furnished from the goods of the poor…Even though these five are damnable in a mere rector, they are even more damnable in a bishop or abbot, not only because they exceed simple rectors in these five ways, but because from greater obligation and hypocrisy they do these things more open before the world. And—to increase the gravity of the crime—they take joy in these sins, as if they were confirmed in the service of the devil…”
John Wycliffe, The Pastoral Office
It is not difficult to imagine how offended and outraged the English clergy were under the scourge of Wycliffe’s stinging rebukes! And as a result, they became his lifelong adversaries who at every turn sought to condemn him as a heretic and to scatter his followers.
In contrast, King Edward III (1312-1377) was duly impressed with Wycliffe when he published a well-reasoned tract rejecting the obligation of the English Crown to pay yearly ecclesiastical taxes to the Pope. As a reward from the King, Wycliffe was given charge of the parish of Lutterworth which became his base of operations until his death. Also in 1374 he officially entered the service of the English Crown for a brief time as a negotiator with the papal authorities at Bruges (in modern-day Belgium). He not only successfully defended his position regarding the non-payment of ecclesiastical taxes to the Pope, but also he witnessed first-hand the affluence and corruption of the higher clergy. When he returned to England he unleashed a forceful verbal assault against the power of the Papacy, hereafter referring to the Pope as the “Antichrist.” This practice was later picked-up by many of the Protestant Reformers.
One of the controversies that got Wycliffe into the greatest amount of trouble with the ecclesiastical authorities was when he defended the right of civil authorities to seize the property of corrupt clergy. He wrote, “temporal lords can at their will take away temporal goods from the church, when those who hold to them are sinful (habitually sinful, not sinning in one act only).” Wycliffe argued that an individual person, especially the “temporal lords,” possessed authority through the “dominion of grace” from God, rather than by grace derived from the Pope or church hierarchy. Those church leaders, who disqualified themselves by immorality or theft, he reasoned, should be removed by the “temporal Lords.” This view garnered much favor for him within the English government, but produced great scorn against him within the Roman Catholic clergy.
In 1377 he underwent a trial at St. Paul’s Cathedral which was orchestrated by the Archbishop of Canterbury and the vengeful monks. Merle D’Aubigne writes, “But Wycliffe, who never feared the face of man, came before them with a good conscience.” As a result, he was censured by five Papal Bulls (decrees) and condemned as a heretic. It was only by the presence of John of Gaunt, the influential son of King Edward III, that the bishops and monks were prevented from physically harming him. Another trial was attempted at Lambeth Palace in 1378, but this proved to be ineffective because of the support of the Queen Mother and his great popularity amongst the common people. That same year, when Wycliffe was forty-eight years of age, he wearily retired to the relative seclusion of Oxford to study and write. But, the attacks of his opponents increased and his position as a professor at the University was jeopardized. Whereas, other church figures had attacked the corrupt practices of the Roman Catholic Church, Wycliffe attacked the doctrines which were underlying those practices. As a result, many influential friends who had supported him in the past would no longer defend him. He was now utterly alone. Merle D’Aubigne, a preeminent historian of the Reformation, reports,
Day by day the circle contracted around Wycliffe. Some of his chief supporters…departed from him. The veteran champion of the truth with had once gathered a whole nation round it, had reached the days when “strong men shall bow themselves,” and now, when harassed by persecution, he found himself alone. But boldly he uplifted his hoary head and exclaimed: “The doctrine of the gospel shall never perish; and if the earth once quaked, it was because they condemned Jesus Christ.”
Merle D’Aubigne, The Reformation in england, Vol. 1, 94
One of the main tenants of Wycliffe’s faith was that the Holy Scripture was the sole rule of faith and practice. Bible passages were to be interpreted by the careful exegesis of the text alone, rather than by appealing to the tradition of the church as the basis for interpretation. This high view of the Bible eventually led to his greatest achievement—the translation of the Bible from the Latin Vulgate into the common language of the English people. Merle D’Aubigne writes,
Let us imagine him in his quiet study: on his table is the Vulgate text, corrected after the best manuscripts; and lying open around him are the commentaries of the doctors of the church, especially those of St Jerome and Nicholas of Lyra. Between ten and fifteen years he steadily prosecuted his task…At last, some time between 1380 and 1384, it was completed. This was a great event in the religious history of England; outstripping the nations on the continent, she took her station in the foremost rank in the great work of disseminating the Scriptures.
Merle D’Aubigne, The Reformation in England, Vol. 1, 90
With the help of several associates he completed his translation of the New Testament in 1380 and the Old Testament in 1382. Nicolas of Hereford (d. c.1420) assisted him in translating the Old Testament, and John Purvey (c.1353-c.1428) helped him in revising the New Testament. James Wiley, the well-regarded Scottish historian of the Reformation, asserts the following,
The circulation of the Scriptures had arrayed the Protestant movement in the panoply of light. Wielding the sword of the Spirit, which is the Word of God, it was marching on, leaving behind it, as the monuments of its prowess, in many an English homestead, eyes once blind now opened; hearts lately depraved now purified. Majestic as the morning when, descending from the skies, she walks in steps of silent glory over the earth, so was the progress of the Book of God. There was a track of light wherever it had passed in the crowded city, in the lofty baronial hall, in the peasant’s humble cot. Though Wycliffe had lived a thousand years, and occupied himself during all of them in preaching, he could not have hoped for the good which he now saw in course of being accomplished by the silent action of the English Bible.
James Wiley, The History of Protestantism, Vol. 1, 113
Wycliffe also opposed the Roman Catholic doctrine of transubstantiation in the Lord’s Supper (Latin: trans = changed + substantia = substance of the elements)and instead favored what would become the Protestant belief that the Lord’s Supper is a “memorial feast” where Christ is “spiritually present.” He rightly asserted, “the material substance of bread and the material substance of wine remain in the Sacrament of the altar.” His followers, known as “Wycliffites” or “Lollards” later wrote,
…the pretended miracle of the sacrament of bread drives all men, but a few, to idolatry, because they think that the Body of Christ which is never away from heaven could by power of the priest’s word be enclosed essentially in a little bread which they show the people; but God grant that they might be willing to believe what the evangelical doctor (i.e. Wycliffe) says in his Triagolous, that the bread of the altar is habitually the body of Christ, for we take it that in this way any faithful man and woman can by God’s law perform the sacrament of the bread without any such miracle.
Henry Bettenson, documents of the Christian Church, 175-176
Moreover, Wycliffe rejected the “power of the priest” to forgive sins as an intermediary between God and man (i.e. the doctrine of sacerdotalism; Latin: sacer = priest + dotal = power) and he resolutely affirmed the “priesthood of all believers.” He was especially opposed to the sale of “indulgences,” which for the payment of a fee a certificate would be granted by a priest to release a person, or their relative, from punishment in purgatory. Wycliffe’s disciples wrote,
They say that they have the keys of heaven and hell, and can excommunicate and bless, bind and loose, at their will, so much so that for a drink, or twelve pence, they will sell the blessing of heaven… (Bettenson, Documents of the Christian Church, 177-178)
Henry Bettenson, Documents of the Christian Church, 177-178
Finally, he repudiated the concept of the Roman Catholic Mass by arguing, “it is not laid down in the Gospel that Christ ordained the Mass.” Due to his rejection of the Mass, there was one last attempt by the opponents of Wycliffe to undo him in 1379. He was called to defend himself in London at a council which was interrupted by a strong earthquake. Wycliffe was convinced that the earthquake was a divine sign of God’s approval of his reforms; however the council sharply disagreed and suggested that the land was simply “breaking wind” because of Wycliffe’s foul heresies and they condemned him anyway. Due to declining health he retired to Lutterworth in 1380 where he lived for the remainder of his life. His adversaries, however, did not forget him, and during the Peasant’s Revolt of 1381 he was blamed for inciting an open rebellion against the English Crown. This was not the case, and it eventually became clear that Wycliffe was falsely accused by his enemies.
His influence grew during his confinement by the work of his disciples (i.e. the “Wycliffites”). Over time they were disdainfully called “Lollards” (Dutch: lollen = singers, chanters, or as “mumblers” or “mutterers”). The Lollards were fiercely persecuted by the Roman Catholic Church and the English political authorities. They engaged in spreading Wycliffe’s beliefs and copies of his Bible throughout England. In many respects the Lollards were evangelical missionaries and also political revolutionaries. They not only challenged entrenched church dogma, but also the established ecclesiastical structures of the day—specifically, the temporal authority of popes, cardinals, bishops, curates, abbots, and monks. While they were originally Oxford educated students, the Lollards eventually filled their ranks with many poor commoners. Wycliffe himself called them the “Poor Priests.” The Lollards traveled the roads of England dressed in long reddish gowns made of rough cloth. Some critics complained that the Lollards were so numerous that if you met two people while traveling on the road one was sure to be a Lollard. Their beliefs were codified in 1395 when they presented to the English Parliament, The Twelve Conclusions. The official response of the English Parliament was a written tract entitled On the Burning of a Heretic (1401), which led to much persecution of the Lollards. They were also condemned at the Council of Constance in 1415, along with the Bohemian preacher and martyr John Hus (1374-1415). Their main purpose, however, was not deterred by the persecution and death of their members. They prayerfully wrote, “We ask God then of His supreme goodness to reform our Church, as being entirely out of joint, to the perfectness of its first beginning.” The reforming of God’s church had begun in earnest and nothing that the leaders of the established church could do would prevent its spread.
Wycliffe experienced a stroke in 1382 which limited his study and writing. Even in his sickness he was harassed and tormented. While on his bed during a difficult illness a group of local priests came to him demanding that he recant from his heretical practices and writings. He steadfastly refused saying, “I shall not die, but live to declare the evil deeds of the friars.” In God’s gracious providence, he was raised-up to better health and lived for another two years. He was often in a weakened condition, yet was used by God in a mighty way to influence other Reformers who would come after him. His ideas were especially welcomed in Bohemia where they were embraced by John Hus. Even after his death Wycliffe was so hated by the English clergy that in 1428 (44 years following his death) his bones were exhumed from the grave and publicly burnt. One biographer wrote,
They burnt his bones to ashes and cast them into the Swift, a neighboring brook running hard by. Thus the brook conveyed his ashes into the Severn, the Severn into the narrow seas and they into the main ocean. And so the ashes of Wycliffe are symbolic of his doctrine, which is now spread throughout the whole world.
John woodbridge, Great Leaders of the Christian Church, 177
Wycliffe was clearly a forerunner of the Protestant Reformation which would burst forth 133 years after his death. For this reason he is oftentimes referred to as the “Morning Star” of the Protestant Reformation. Although he lost his professorship at Oxford University and most of his friends left him, his influence spread through his writings and fueled a great spiritual awakening throughout England and Continental Europe. Merle D’Aubigne summarizes his life and ministry with these two glowing tributes,
Wycliffe is the greatest of English reformers: he was in truth the first reformer of Christendom, and to him, under God, Britain is indebted for the honor of being the foremost in the attack upon the theocratic system of Gregory…If Luther and Calvin are the fathers of the Reformation, Wycliffe is its grandfather.
merle D’Aubigne, The Reformation in England, Vol. 1, 98
In many respects Wycliffe is the Luther of England; but the times of revival had not yet come, and the English reformer could not gain such striking victories over Rome as the German reformer. While Luther was surrounded by an ever-increasing number of scholars and princes, who confessed the same faith as himself, Wycliffe shone almost alone in the firmament of the church. The boldness with which he substituted a living spirituality for a superstitious formalism, caused those to shrink back in affright who had gone with him against the friars, priests, and popes. Erelong the Roman pontiff ordered him to be thrown into prison, and the monks threatened his life; but God protected him, and he remained calm amidst the machinations of his adversaries. ‘Antichrist,’ said he, ‘can only kill the body.’
Merle D’Aubigne, The Reformation in England, Vol. 1, 98-100
Sadly, John Wycliffe is still labeled a “heretic” by official Roman Catholic Church literature (see the following two articles in the authoritative volume, The Catholic Encyclopedia for verification of that particular charge—“Heresies” and “Lollards”). However, almost all modern-day Christians (e.g. Anglicans, Baptists, Evangelicals of various types, Lutherans, Methodists, Presbyterians, and Reformed) identify him as an inspirational hero of the faith! It is in this spirit that the Wycliffe Bible Translators, founded in 1934, have honored him as their namesake. They hope that the same zeal that motivated Wycliffe, will also motivate their own translators scattered throughout the globe. It is to John Wycliffe that all English-speaking peoples owe a debt of gratitude. He shook off the blinders of Roman Catholicism and guided this countrymen back to the Word of God, which King David calls “a lamp to my feet and a light to my path” (Psalm 119:105). For this noble task, we highly esteem John Wycliffe!
Resources for Further Study:
Bettenson, Henry. Documents of the Christian Church. Second Edition. London, England: Oxford University Press, 1963.
Broderick, Robert C. ed. The Catholic Encyclopedia. Revised Edition. Nashville, TN: Thomas Nelson Publishers, 1987.
D’Aubigne, Merle J. H. The Reformation in England. Two volumes. Edited by S. M. Houghton. Edinburgh, Scotland: The Banner of Truth Trust, 1962.
Douglas, J. D. ed. The New International Dictionary of the Christian Church. Revised Edition. Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan Publishing House, 1978.
“Avignon,” by James Taylor
“Bible, English Versions,” by Frederick F. Bruce
“England, Church of,” by John A Simpson
“Great Schism, The,” by C. T. McIntire
“Gregory XI,” by C. G. Thorne, Jr.
“Hus, Jan,” by Matthew Spinka
“Lollards,” Robert G. Clouse
“Mendicant Orders,” by T. L. Underwood
“Nicholas of Hereford,” by Ian Sellers
“Purvey, John,” by J. G. G. Norman
“Reformation, The” by Robert D. Linder
“Sawtrey, William,” by C. G. Thorne, Jr.
“Transubstantiation,” by Robert B. Ives
“Vulgate, The,” by J. N. Birdsall
“Wycliffe, John,” by Robert G. Clouse
“Wycliffe Bible Translators,” by Harold R. Cook
Douglas, J. D. ed. Who’s Who In Christian History. Wheaton, IL: Tyndale House Publishers 1992.
Dowley, Tim ed., The History of Christianity. Revised Edition. Oxford, England: Lion Publishers, 1990.
Elwell, Walter A. ed. Evangelical Dictionary of Theology. Second Edition. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Academic, 2001.
“Bohemian Brethren,” by J. D. Douglas
“Hus, Jan,” by A. Paul Kubricht
“Lollards,” by Robert A. Peterson
“Reformation, Protestant,” by David F. Wright
“Wycliffe, John,” by Robert G. Clouse
Fox, John. Fox’s Book of Martyrs. Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan Publishing House, 1967.
Houghton, S. M. Sketches from Church History. Edinburgh, Scotland: The Banner of Truth Trust, 1980.
Latourette, Kenneth Scott. A History of Christianity. Volume One. Revised Edition. New York, NY: Harper & Row Publishers, 1975.
Woodbridge, John D. ed. Great Leaders of the Christian Church. Chicago, IL: Moody Press, 1988.
Wycliffe, John. “The Pastoral Office” in Advocates of Reform: From Wyclif to Erasmus. Edited by Matthew Spinka. Translated by Ford Lewis Battles. Library of Christian Classics, no. 16. Philadelphia, PA: The Westminster Press, 1953.
Wylie, James A. The History of Protestantism. 3 Volumes. Kilkeel, N. Ireland: Mourne Missionary Trust, 1990.
Dr. Marcus J. Serven, ThM and DMin
The Genevan Foundation – Copyright August, 2017 – All Rights Reserved
The full book shelves that most Christians have today contain several copies of the Bible. Bible programs online and dramatic readings of Scripture on CD’s abound with all the latest features. But, this has not always been the case. At the beginning of the Reformation, during the early 1500’s, the Bible was only in the possession of a few wealthy individuals and educated church leaders. Those who did not know how to read or who were unable to translate the text of the Latin Vulgate produced by Jerome in the fourth century, hired private scholars to read and interpret the Bible for them. If it were not for the diligent and pioneering efforts of the pre-Reformer John Wycliffe (c.1330-1384), the German Reformer Martin Luther (1483-1546), and finally the Reformation scholar William Tyndale (1494-1536), the English Bible would have been much later in coming about. As it was, Tyndale’s version of the New Testament was first printed in 1526. Because of this he is recognized as the “Father of the English Bible” and it is his work which is the basis for all modern English translations—even up to this century. Below is a quotation of Romans 12:1-2 from Tyndale’s text (with the original words and spelling retained).
I beseeche you therefore brethren by the mercifulness of God, that ye make youre bodyes a quicke sacrifise, holy and acceptable unto God which is youre reasonable servynge off God. And fassion note youre selves lyke unto this worlde. But be ye changed (in youre shape) by the renuynge of youre witts that ye may fele what thynge that good, that acceptable and perfaicte will of God is.
Tyndales’s New Testament – Romans 12:1-2
William Tyndale was born in the year 1494 near the Welsh border in western England. Little is known of his early life, however he had an innate gift for languages and it is said that over the course of his life he became fluent in seven different languages—Greek, Hebrew, Latin, German, Dutch, French, and Spanish. He attended Magdalen Hall at Oxford University where he received a Bachelor of Arts in 1512 and a Master of Arts in 1515. While interacting with his fellow students, he became disturbed by their complete lack of biblical knowledge. Driven by his love for theology he studied through the major themes of the Bible and entered into discussions with other students about the meaning of various texts. He reflected at this time,
In the universities they have ordained that no man shall look on Scripture until he be noselled in heathen learning eight or nine years, and armed with false principles he is clean shut out of the understanding of Scripture.
William Tyndale
All around Oxford Tyndale became known as a man with a vociferous passion for proclaiming the Bible. This ability was not well received by leaders within the English Church who became jealous of Tyndale’s gifts. Eventually, he fled the controversy and sought a quiet corner at Cambridge University in order to continue his studies. During this time of intense contemplation Tyndale became well acquainted with the writings of Martin Luther. He deeply appreciated Luther’s doctrine of “justification by faith” and recognized it for what it was—biblical truth. He also spent many hours mastering the Greek (1516) edition of the New Testament produced by the Dutch scholar Desiderius Erasmus (c.1466-1536). After completing his studies at Cambridge, Tyndale took a position as a private tutor to the children of an English knight—Sir John Walsh of Glouchestershire.
At Master Walsh’s table at Little Sodbury Manor Tyndale had many opportunities to enter into scholarly debate with visiting clergy and scholars. It was Tyndale’s practice to quote the Bible as his only source of authority and to exhort those who were in ignorance or who had gone astray from biblical truth. It is reported that Tyndale once responded to an argumentative clergyman who questioned the reasonableness of giving the Scriptures to the common people with these words, “If God spare my life, ere many years, I will cause a boy that driveth the plough to know more of the Scripture than thou dost.” With such fiery words it is not surprising that the leaders of the English Church sought to have him tried as a heretic.
Eventually it became Tyndale’s goal to get the Bible into the hands of the common man. He realized that if the people had the Bible in their own language, that many of the false doctrines of Roman Catholicism would be repudiated. He became convinced that, “It was impossible to establish the lay people in any truth, except the Scripture were plainly laid before their eyes in their mother tongue.” He also reasoned that translating the Bible into English would become a great motivation for the average person to learn to read and write, thereby improving the literacy rate in England. His arguments, however, for an English translation fell on deaf ears. He received no encouragement from the Bishop of London, Cuthbert Tunstall, or any other ecclesiastical officials. He lamented, “…not only was there no room in my Lord of London’s palace to translate the New Testament, but there was also no place to do it in all England”. Discouraged, yet still determined to complete his project, Tyndale left for continental Europe never to return to the land that he loved.
With the financial backing of several sympathetic English merchants in Antwerp, Tyndale finished the first edition of his New Testament in 1525. He found a willing printer in Cologne, but before it could be printed the local police made a raid and prevented the work from being completed. Eventually, Tyndale was able to find another printer and had his version published at Worms (1526). With the help of an enterprising merchant Tyndale sold most of the first edition at a very high price to the Bishop of London. However, the Bishop did not purchase the New Testament for public distribution, but for public burning. Providentially, an entire second edition was financed by the Bishop’s purchase so that Tyndale was able to flood England with even more copies of the second edition than the first.
Tyndale also became desirous of producing a copy of the Old Testament Scriptures in English. When he had finished translating the Pentateuch he sought to have it printed and traveled from Antwerp, where he was living, to Hamburg. While journeying on board ship, a great storm came up and sank the ship. All of his books, manuscripts, money, notes, and time were lost and the project had to begin completely over again! Such was the character of William Tyndale—he was a man of great perseverance.
While living in exile throughout Holland and Germany, he fled many times from one town to another seeking a printer who would be supportive of his cause. Oftentimes he had “secret agents” from the English clergy pursuing him and endeavoring to arrest him. In many respects he was “God’s Outlaw” as one recent biographer has called him. Because it was illegal to produce a copy of the Bible without the formal backing of the King, his text (six editions in all) had to be surreptitiously smuggled into England hidden in bales of merchandise and sold on the “black market”. Eventually, he was betrayed by a “false friend” and fellow Englishman, Henry Philips, and arrested. His imprisonment at Vilvorde (9 miles north of Brussels) lasted for seventeen months from which survives the following letter giving a brief view of the suffering that he underwent for the sake of the gospel. He plaintively writes,
I entreat your lordship, and that by the Lord Jesus, that if I am to remain here during the winter, you will request the Procureur to be kind enough to send me from my goods which he has in his possession, a warmer cap, for I suffer extremely from cold in the head, being afflicted with a perpetual catarrah, which is considerably increased in this cell. A warmer coat also, for that which I have is very thin: also a piece of cloth to patch my leggings. My over-coat is worn out, as also are my shirts. He has a woollen shirt of mine, if he will be kind enough to send it. I have also with him leggings of thicker cloth for putting on above; he also has warmer caps for wearing at night. I wish also his permission to have a lamp in the evening, for it is wearisome to sit alone in the dark. But above all, I entreat and beseech your clemency to be urgent with the Procureur that he may kindly permit me to have my Hebrew Bible, Hebrew Grammar, and Hebrew Dictionary, that I may spend my time with that study. And in return, may you obtain your dearest wish, provided always that it be consistent with the salvation of your soul. But if, before the end of winter, a different decision be reached concerning me, I shall be patient, abiding the will of God to the glory of the grace of my Lord Jesus Christ, whose Spirit, I pray, may ever direct your heart. Amen. W. Tyndale
William Tyndale
Before he was strangled and his body burned at the stake (October 6, 1536) he boldly proclaimed these prophetic words, “Lord, open the King of England’s eyes!” Unknown to Tyndale, his plea was in the process of being answered. While he was languishing in prison his associate, Miles Coverdale (1488-1569), was able to produce an English version of the Bible printed with King Henry VIII’s endorsement. Coverdale utilized Tyndale’s translation of the Pentateuch and New Testament as a foundation for his own translation. Again in 1537, with the help of Archbishop Thomas Cramner, King Henry VIII ordered that every parish should have its own copy of the Bible available for the clergy as well as the people to use. This version was called The Great Bible. Finally, in 1611 King James of England also fulfilled the desire and longing of Tyndale in an even greater way by publishing the popular and prolific King James Version of the Bible. As you enjoy reading daily from the many Bibles in your possession, give thanks to God for the faithful life and work of William Tyndale.
Resources for Further Study:
Christy-Murray, David. A History of Heresy. London, Great Britain: Oxford University Press, 1976.
Daniell, David. William Tyndale: A Biography. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1994.
Douglas, J.D. ed. The New International Dictionary of the Christian Church. Revised Edition. Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan Publishing House, 1978.
“Bible (English Versions)”, by F. F. Bruce
“Coverdale, Miles”, by Harold H. Rowden
“Cramner, Thomas”, by Noel S. Pollard
“Erasmus”, by Robert G. Clouse
“Henry VIII”, by Robert Schnucker
“Reformation, The”, by Robert D. Linder
“Tunstall, Cuthbert”, by Joyce Horn
“Tyndale, William”, by G. E. Duffield
“Vulgate, The”, by J. N. Birdsall
“Wycliffe, John”, Robert G. Clouse
Douglas, J.D. ed. Who’s Who In Christian History. Wheaton, IL: Tyndale House Publishers, 1992.
Dowley, Tim ed., The History of Christianity. Revised Edition. Oxford, Great Britain: Lion Publishers, 1990.
Edwards, Brian H. God’s Outlaw: The Story of William Tyndale and the English Bible. London, Great Britain: Evangelical Press, 1976.
Fox, John. Fox’s Book of Martyrs. Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan Publishing House, 1967.
Houghton, S. M. Sketches from Church History. Edinburgh, Scotland: The Banner of Truth Trust, 1980.
Latourette, Kenneth Scott. A History of Christianity (Vol. 2). Revised Edition. New York, NY: Harper & Row Publishers, 1975.
Lawson, Steven J. The Daring Mission of William Tyndale. Orlando, FL: Reformation Trust Publishing, 2015.
Loane, Sir Marcus. Masters of the English Reformation. The Church Society, 1954. Reprint. Edinburgh, Scotland: The Banner of Truth Trust, 2005.
O’Dell, Scott. The Hawk that Dare Not Hunt by Day. Greenville, SC: Bob Jones University Press, 1975.
Tyndale, William. Tyndale’s New Testament. Edited by David Daniell. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1989.
Woodbridge, John D. ed. Great Leaders of the Christian Church. Chicago, IL: Moody Press, 1988.
Wylie, James A. The History of Protestantism. 3 Volumes. Kilkeel, N. Ireland: Mourne Missionary Trust, 1990.
Dr. Marcus J. Serven, ThM and DMin
The Genevan Foundation – Copyright 2012 – All Rights Reserved
By anyone’s measure John Calvin’s Institutes of the Christian Religion, especially the mature 1559 edition, is a historically significant Reformed treatise that has greatly shaped the ministerial practice of Protestant churches worldwide. In it Calvin extensively addresses the doctrine of the church (Book 4, Chapters 1-12). This lengthy section within Calvin’s Institutes, entitled “The True Church,” is foundational to virtually every other theological tome written on ecclesiastical concerns over the past four hundred and fifty years. For this reason alone, it is important for modern-day Christians to understand Calvin’s thinking on ecclesiology and how his principles of ministry flow out from the text of the Bible. Rather than inventing new practices and procedures for leading the church, modern-day church leaders would benefit from reading one of the great theologians of the past—and one who was also an indefatigable shepherd to the flock in Geneva, Switzerland.
Its Context:
The context of Calvin’s ministry is not to be overlooked when evaluating his doctrinal teaching on the church. He lived at a time of tremendous transition when many of the social institutions that had seemed so stable in his childhood—home, church, and nation—were undergoing significant changes. During this time serious efforts at religious reform were taking place in Germany, France, England, Holland, and Switzerland. It is also important to observe that Calvin was preceded by several notable reformers: Martin Luther (1483-1546), Martin Bucer (1491-1551), William Tyndale (1494-1536), and Jacques Lefevre d’Etaples (1455-1536). Each one of these men lived and ministered during the first wave of the Reformation (approx. 1505-1535). John Calvin (1509-1564), however, lived and ministered during the second wave and consequently benefited from the biblical insights and publications of these older more mature men. For example, when Calvin came to Geneva, Switzerland during the summer of 1536 two tenacious reformers, William Farel (1489-1565) and Pierre Viret (1511-1571), were already fully engaged at preaching in this strategic city. Calvin teamed up with them to bring about the reform of the Genevan church and a change in the morals of the people of Geneva. The efforts of Farel, Viret, and Calvin were not always welcomed by the populace. After two years of arduous ministerial labor they were removed from their positions by the Genevan Small Council in 1538 and forced to relocate to other cities. At the invitation of Martin Bucer, Calvin settled in Strasbourg and became a pastor to a French-speaking congregation of refugees. While there he received many profitable insights from the older and more experienced Martin Bucer on the nature of the church—its head, its worship, its structure, and its pastoral care. He also found a wife, marrying the widow Idellette de Bure in 1540. A year later, in 1541, Calvin was invited back to Geneva and ministered there for the next twenty-three years until his death in 1564. His ministry was filled with endless controversies, difficulties, and trials. Yet, through his steady perseverance, and God’s blessing, Calvin and the other reforming pastors who joined him were able to witness remarkable changes in the morals of the city and a progressive strengthening of the Genevan church. Some of Calvin’s greatest achievements—the adoption of the Genevan Catechism (1545), the establishment of the Genevan Academy (1559), the publication of the Geneva Bible (1560), and the completion of a metrical Psalter (1561)—were significant in advancing his overall goal of reforming the Genevan Church. In addition, these achievements resulted in changing the morals of the people of Geneva, so much so, that John Knox referred to Geneva as “the most perfect school since the Apostles. In other places, I confess Christ to be truly preached; but manners and religion so sincerely reformed, I have not seen in any other place.” (Sefton, John Knox, 22)
Its Elements:
What are some of the key elements for Calvin’s doctrine of the church? First of all, Calvin presupposes that, “We must leave to God alone the knowledge of his church, whose foundation is his secret election” (Institutes 4:1:1). Calvin understood that true believers within the church are members solely by God’s electing grace. The election of believers is unconditional, Calvin would argue, in that the elect do not deserve it by their family background, earn it by their efforts of personal reformation, nor warrant it by their individual decision to follow Jesus Christ (cf. John 1:12-13). God alone, gets the glory in the matter of election. Secondly, those within the church experience a deep sense of community that is missing from other organizations in the world. Calvin goes on to explain,
This clause (the communion of saints), though generally omitted by the ancients, ought not to be overlooked, for it very well expresses what the church is. It is as if one said that the saints are gathered into the society of Christ on the principles that whatever benefits God confers upon them, they would in turn share with one another. This does not, however, rule out a diversity of graces, inasmuch as we know the gifts of the Spirit are variously distributed. Nor is civil order disturbed, which allows each individual to own his private possessions, since it is necessary to keep peace among men that the ownership of property should be distinct and personal among them. But a community is affirmed, such as Luke describes, in which the heart and soul of the multitude of believers are one [Acts 4:32]; and such as Paul has in mind when he urges the Ephesians to be “one body and one Spirit, just as” they “were called in one hope” [Eph. 4:4]. If truly convinced that God is the common Father of all and Christ the common Head, being united in brotherly love, they cannot but share their benefits with one another.
John Calvin, Institutes 4:1:3
In addition, Calvin readily acknowledged that the church is both invisible and visible in its nature. It is invisible in that it is made up only of those who are divinely elected by God. On the other hand, the church is visible in that its activities, its buildings, and its people are evident to themselves and to a watching world. He affirms that not all who are part of the visible church are of the elect—in other words, there are weeds mixed in amongst the wheat. Jesus teaches this basic truth about his church in Matthew 13:24-30, and 36-43. Calvin clearly develops his view from Jesus’ teaching. Calvin also taught that since God is his “father,” then the church of God is surely his “mother.” He persuasively wrote,
Because it is now our intention to discuss the visible church, let us learn even from the simple title “mother” how useful, indeed how necessary, it is that we should know her. For there is no other way to enter into life unless this mother conceive us in her womb, give us birth, nourish us at her breast, and lastly, unless she keep us under her care and guidance until, putting off mortal flesh, we become like the angels [Matt. 22:30]. Our weakness does not allow us to be dismissed from her school until we have been pupils all our lives. Furthermore, away from her bosom one cannot hope for any forgiveness of sins or any salvation, as Isaiah [Isa. 37:32] and Joel [Joel 2:32] testify…By these words God’s fatherly favor and the especial witness of spiritual life are limited to his flock, so that it is always disastrous to leave the church.
John Calvin, Institutes 4:1:4
This understanding of the church, as “mother,” demonstrates the significant role that the church plays in the life of the believer—she gives birth, nourishes, protects, and cares for her children. In essence, Calvin believed that the church should receive the same affection and honor that an earthly mother receives from a grateful son or daughter.
Another prominent element of Calvin’s ecclesiology is the concept of the “marks” of the true church (notae ecclesiae). Calvin identifies the two “marks” that are found in the Bible as follows,
The pure ministry of the Word and pure mode of celebrating the Sacraments are, as we say, sufficient pledge and guarantee that we may safely embrace as church any society in which both of these marks exist. The principle extends to the point that we must not reject it so long as it retains them, even if it otherwise swarms with many faults.
John Calvin, Institutes 4:1:12
These are the evidences that Christians must look for when evaluating a church. During the Reformation many who came to saving faith found themselves awkwardly connected to churches whose “marks” were questionable. Calvin urged his readers to not be too quick in separating from such churches. He recognized that all churches, to one degree or another, have faults. Some faults may be “doctrinal,” and other faults may be due to “what displeases us.” Hence, special care is necessary when departing from a church so that decency and order are maintained. Calvin contends,
What is more, some fault may creep into the administration of either doctrine or Sacraments. But this ought not to estrange us from communion with the church…But I say we must not thoughtlessly forsake the church because of any petty dissensions. For in it alone is kept safe and uncorrupted, that doctrine in which piety stands sound and the use of the Sacraments ordained by the Lord is guarded. In the meantime, if we try to correct what displeases us, we do so out of duty. Paul’s statement applies to this: “If a better revelation is made to another sitting by, let the first be silent” [1 Corinthians 14:30]. From this it is clear that every member of the church is charged with the responsibility of public edification according to the measure of his grace, provided he perform it decently and in order. That is, we are neither to renounce the communion of the church nor, remaining in it, to disturb its peace and duly ordered discipline.
John Calvin, Institutes 4:1:12
In addition, Calvin acknowledges that churches should not be abandoned because of “trivial errors,” but only when those errors harm or destroy the “chief articles of religion.” He explains,
It has already been explained how much we ought to value that ministry of the Word and Sacraments, and how far our reverence for it should go, that it may be to us a perpetual token by which to distinguish the church. That is, wherever the ministry remains whole and uncorrupted, no moral faults or diseases prevent it from bearing the name ‘church’. Secondly, it is not so weakened by trivial errors as not to be esteemed lawful. We have, moreover, shown that the errors which ought to be pardoned are those which do not harm the chief doctrine of religion, which do not destroy the articles of religion on which all believers ought to agree; and with regard to the Sacraments, those which do not abolish or throw down the lawful institution of the Author.
John Calvin, Institutes 4:2:1
Thus, Calvin places a high value on the church of Jesus Christ. Although it may have many faults, it ought not to be abandoned for insignificant reasons; but instead serious efforts of reformation should be made so that it might bring glory to God once again.
Its Organization:
Calvin understood that the ministry of church leaders is one of the ordinary means for accomplishing spiritual growth in the members of the church (cf. Acts 20:17-34; Eph. 4:11-12; 1 Tim. 3:1-13). In other words, the officers of the church—pastors, teachers, elders, and deacons—are used by God to advance the spiritual maturity of every member. Calvin declared,
Paul writes that Christ, “that he might fill all things,” appointed some to be “apostles, some prophets, some evangelists, some pastors and teachers, for the equipment of the saints, for the work of the ministry, for the building up of the body of Christ, until we all reach the unity of the faith and of the knowledge of the Son of God, to perfect manhood, to the measure of the fully mature age of Christ” [Eph. 4:10-13, Comm., but cf. also Vg.]. We see how God, who could in a moment perfect his own, nevertheless desires them to grow up into manhood solely under the education of the church. We see the way set for it: the preaching of the heavenly doctrine has been enjoined upon the pastors. We see that all are brought under the same regulation, that with a gentle and teachable spirit they may allow themselves to be governed by teachers appointed to this function.
John Calvin, Institutes 4:1:5
Calvin teaches that there are four offices in the true church—pastors, teachers, elders, and deacons. He reasons that the Lord could have supernaturally transformed men and women by means of his Spirit, but instead God has chosen to use the means of a “ministry of men to declare openly his will to us.” This ministerial authority and power is delegated by the head of the church, the Lord Jesus Christ. Hence, when pastors, teachers, elders, and deacons carry out their ministries, they do so under the watchful eye of the head of the church. They are required to give an account of their ministerial labors to the heavenly Master—have they fed the sheep, rescued those who have strayed, and protected the sheep from wild predators who would do them harm? In as much as the officers of the church conduct themselves in an honorable fashion then they are blessed by God for their efforts. Calvin further notes,
Now we must speak of the order by which the Lord willed his church to be governed. He alone should rule and reign in the church as well as have authority or pre-eminence in it, and this authority should be exercised and administered by his Word alone. Nevertheless, because he does not dwell among us in visible presence [Matt. 26:11], we have said that he uses the ministry of men to declare openly his will to us by mouth, as a sort of delegated work, not by transferring to them his right and honor, but only that through their mouths he may do his own work—just as a workman uses a tool to do his work.
John Calvin, Institutes 4:3:3
Calvin thoughtfully describes the particular duties of pastors, teachers, elders, and deacons to great degree in the Institutes. Here are his observations regarding the responsibilities of pastors. He writes,
Here, then, is the sovereign power with which the pastors of the church, by whatever name they be called, ought to be endowed. That is that they may dare boldly to do all things by God’s Word; may compel all worldly power, glory, wisdom, and exaltation to yield to and obey his majesty; supported by his power, may command all from the highest even to the last; may build up Christ’s household and cast down Satan’s; may feed the sheep and drive away the wolves; may instruct and exhort the teachable; may accuse, rebuke, and subdue the rebellious and stubborn; may bind and loose; finally, if need be, may launch thunderbolts and lightnings; but do all things in God’s Word.
John Calvin, Institutes 4:8:9
In addition, Calvin wrote that a pastor should avoid thinking that the only duty he has to fulfill is to preach from the pulpit; he is also to exercise the care of a shepherd for his flock. He powerfully remarks,
Christ did not ordain pastors on the principle that they only teach the Church in a general way on the public platform, but that they care for the individual sheep, bring back the wandering and scattered to the fold, bind up the broken and crippled, heal the sick, support the frail and weak.
John Calvin,Commentary on Acts 20:20
Moreover, pastoral ministry is not to be seen as an itinerant office that travels from place to place, but it is one which cares for a specific flock of believers in a fixed location. Calvin argues that pastors can “aid other churches” as occasion dictates, but that primarily a pastor focuses his energy upon his own flock.
Although we assign to each pastor his church, at the same time we do not deny that a pastor bound to one church can aid other churches—either if any disturbances occur which require his presence, or if advice be sought from him concerning some obscure matter…Consequently, this arrangement ought to be observed as generally as possible: that each person, content with his own limits, should not break over into another man’s province.
John Calvin, Institutes 4:3:7
In regards to the deacon Calvin gives the following description of his responsibilities,
The care of the poor was entrusted to the deacons. However two kinds are mentioned in the letter to the Romans: “He that gives, let him do it with simplicity;…he that shows mercy, with cheerfulness” [Rom. 12:8]. Since it is certain that Paul is speaking of the public office of the church, there must have been two distinct grades. Unless my judgment deceive me, in the first clause he designates the deacons who distribute the alms. But the second refers to those who had devoted themselves to the care of the poor and the sick…If we accept this (as it must be accepted), there will be two kinds of deacons: one to serve the church in administering the affairs of the poor; the other, in caring for the poor themselves. But even though the term diakonia itself has a wider application, Scripture specifically designates as deacons those whom the church has appointed to distribute alms and take care of the poor.
John Calvin, Institutes 4:3:9
The offices of the true church should not be taken upon oneself without the endorsement of a church. These offices necessarily involve receiving an outward call, or public invitation, to minister in a local church by its own members. In addition, ordination signifies that a man is set aside for sacred service within Christ’s church. In these following quotations Calvin explains ministerial calling and ordination.
Therefore, in order that noisy and troublesome men should not rashly take upon themselves to teach or to rule (which might otherwise happen), especial care was taken that no one should assume public office in the church without being called.
John Calvin, Institutes 4:3:10
I am speaking of the outward and solemn call which has to do with the public order of the church. I pass over that secret call, of which each minister is conscious before God, and which does not have the church as witness.
John Calvin, Institutes 4:3:11
There remains the rite of ordination, to which we have given the last place in the call. It is clear that when the apostles admitted any man to the ministry, they used no other ceremony than the laying on of hands. (Institutes 4:3:16)
John Calvin, Institutes 4:3:16
Although there exists no set precept for the laying on of hands, because we see it in continual use with the apostles, their very careful observance ought to serve in lieu of a precept. And surely it is useful for the dignity of the ministry to be commended to the people by this sort of sign, as also to warn the one ordained that he is no longer a law unto himself, but bound in servitude to God and the church.
John Calvin, Institutes 4:3:16
These statements by Calvin demonstrate the way in which he elevates the outward call to ministry. It is a serious matter for a man to be called to serve Christ’s church, and his calling must be outwardly confirmed by the local church. It should never solely be a matter of an inner call, or “secret call,” which is only between that man and God. Church officers should be confirmed by a public calling.
Its Worship:
The true church also has the responsibility to regulate its worship by the Word of God. This does not mean, Calvin argues, that specific forms of worship are to be needlessly perpetuated “for all ages,” but that changes in the forms of worship can be carefully “accommodated to the customs of each nation and age.” His method for making changes to the order of worship is, first and foremost, to measure all such changes by the Holy Scriptures. Secondly, that those who are responsible for making changes to the order of worship genuinely love God so that the Lord is supremely glorified by this change. Thirdly, to love the people so that any changes in the worship service do not “hurt” them, but rather “edify” them. Calvin explains this method in the following manner,
[the Master] did not will in outward discipline and ceremonies to prescribe in detail what we ought to do (because he foresaw that this depended upon the state of the times, and he did not deem one form suitable for all ages), here we must take refuge in those general rules which he has given, that whatever the necessity of the church will require for order and decorum should be tested against these. Lastly, because he has taught nothing specifically, and because these things are not necessary to salvation, and for the upbuilding of the church ought to be variously accommodated to the customs of each nation and age, it will be fitting (as the advantage of the church will require) to change and abrogate traditional practices and to establish new ones. Indeed, I admit that we ought not to charge into innovation rashly, suddenly, for insufficient cause. But love will best judge what may hurt or edify; and if we let love be our guide, all will be safe.
John Calvin, Institutes 4:10:30
In this way, the worship of God remains pure, but it is also sensitive to the culture of the people. Calvin writes in other books and tracts more specific principles and policies regarding the worship of God. In particular, his short treatise, The Necessity of Reforming the Church, makes a strong appeal to regulate worship “only to his voice.” Calvin forcefully argues,
Moreover, the rule which distinguishes between pure and vitiated worship is of universal application, in order that we do not adopt any device which seems fit to ourselves, but look to the injunctions of him who alone is entitled to prescribe. Therefore, if we would have him to approve our worship, this rule, which he everywhere enforces with the utmost strictness, must be carefully observed. For there is a twofold reason why the Lord, in condemning and prohibiting fictitious worship, requires us to give obedience only to his voice. First, it tends greatly to establish his authority that we do not follow our own pleasure, but depend entirely on his sovereignty; and secondly, such is our folly, that when we are left at liberty, all we are able to do is to go astray. And they when once we have turned aside from the right path, there is not end to our wanderings, until we get buried under a multitude of superstitions.
John Calvin, The Necessity of Reforming the Church, 17
Hence, churches within the Calvinistic tradition have sought to regulate their worship services according to the Scriptural elements, the forms that are acceptable to God, and the circumstances of the church which may require minor variations in liturgy, place, and time.
Its Discipline:
How does the church maintain purity in the lives of its members? Our Lord established a government for his church—specifically he set in place a means of discipline. The officers of the church have received “the keys” of the kingdom and are required by the Lord to “keep watch over the souls” of their congregants (Matt. 16:19-20, 18:15-20; Heb. 13:17). With this thought in mind, Calvin soberly notes,
For this purpose courts of judgment were established in the church from the beginning to deal with the censure of morals, to investigate vices, and to be charged with the exercise of the office of the keys…Now these admonitions and corrections cannot be made without investigation of the cause; accordingly, some court of judgment and order of procedure are needed. Therefore, if we do not wish to make void the promise of the keys and banish excommunication, solemn warnings, and such things, we must give the church some jurisdiction.
John Calvin, Institutes 4:11:1
Hence, the officers of the church must approach the exercise of church discipline with much care and thoughtfulness. Offenses must be investigated, and disciplinary actions must fit the sin. It would be easy for church offers to become arbitrary and heavy-handed in their disciplinary actions. Thus, it is essential for church officers to recall that they are acting in the name of Jesus Christ, the head of the church.
Discipline depends for the most part upon the power of the keys and upon spiritual jurisdiction…But because some persons, in their hatred of discipline, recoil from its very name, let them understand this: if no society, indeed, no house which has even a small family, can be kept in proper condition without discipline, it is much more necessary in the church, whose condition should be as ordered as possible. Accordingly, as the saving doctrine of Christ is the soul of the church, so does discipline serve as its sinews, through which the members of the body hold together, each in its own place. Therefore, all who desire to remove discipline or to hinder its restoration—whether they do this deliberately or out of ignorance—are surely contributing to the ultimate dissolution of the church….Therefore, discipline is like a bridle to restrain and tame those who rage against the doctrine of Christ; or like a spur to arouse those of little inclination; and also sometimes like a father’s rod to chastise mildly and with the gentleness of Christ’s spirit those who have more seriously lapsed.
John Calvin, Institutes 4:12:1
Calvin reminds all church officers that the purpose of disciplinary action is threefold—to expose sin, to protect the innocent, and to bring about repentance. He states,
In such corrections and excommunication, the church has three ends in view. The first is that they who lead a filthy and infamous life may not be called Christians, to the dishonor of God, as if his holy church [cf. Eph. 5:25-26] were a conspiracy of wicked and abandoned men…The second purpose is that the good be not corrupted by the constant company of the wicked, as so often happens…The third purpose is that those overcome by shame for their baseness begin to repent.
John Calvin, Institutes 4:12:5
Calvin differentiates between excommunicating a sinner and pronouncing an anathema upon a wicked and unrepentant person. Excommunication, he argues, holds the hope of repentance and restoration. Whereas, pronouncing an anathema upon a person suggests that there is no possible restoration. In this way, Calvin shows the different approach to church discipline between Protestants (who excommunicate) and Roman Catholics (who pronounce an anathema). Calvin explains,
For when Christ promises that what his people ‘bind on earth shall be bound in heaven’ [Matt. 18:18], he limits the force of binding to ecclesiastical censure. By this those who are excommunicated are not cast into everlasting ruin and damnation, but in hearing that their life and morals are condemned, they are assured of the everlasting condemnation unless they repent. Excommunication differs from anathema in that the latter, taking away all pardon, condemns and consigns a man to eternal destruction; the former, rather, avenges and chastens his moral conduct. And although excommunication also punishes the man, it does so in such a way that, by forewarning him of his future condemnation, it may call him back to salvation.
John Calvin, Institutes 4:12:10
Calvin’s clear preference is that excommunication offers the safest way to properly order the church when it comes to dealing with sin and sinners. Eternal judgment is left to God alone. As his agents, church officers exercise discipline with much soberness and care, always prayerfully hoping for the repentance and restoration of the sinner. The gospel of forgiveness is preeminent in Calvin’s ecclesiology.
In Conclusion:
Much more is said about the doctrine of the church in Calvin’s masterful Institutes of the Christian Religion. For example, Calvin gives a detailed explanation of the ancient church—its people, its practices, and its patterns (Institutes 4:5-7). He also records the key developments in the Roman Catholic Church that have led to serious departures from orthodoxy and abuses in orthopraxy (Institutes 4:8-10). The church councils of the Middle Ages receive a careful evaluation under Calvin’s critical eye, and he finds a lot of trickery, deception, and abuse in the decisions of those councils (Institutes 4:9). Finally, Calvin explains the practice of fasting, and the Christian liberty of marriage for the clergy (Institutes 4:12:15-28). Church leaders who have served congregations within the Calvinistic tradition have adopted a saying that summarizes Calvin’s attitude toward the true church; it is, “The church reformed and always being reformed” (Latin: ecclesia reformata semper reformanda). The true church always measures itself by the eternal Word of God, and thus, it constantly reforms itself as circumstances occur in the expansion of Christ’s kingdom here on earth.
Calvin’s doctrine of the church in his Institutes of the Christian Religion is historical and comprehensive (Book 4, Chapters 1-12). Some critics might contend that his treatment of the doctrine of the church is woefully out of touch with modern-day issues and concerns. I believe, however, that all of the basic principles for properly ordering Christ’s church can be found within its many pages and chapters. I highly recommend it to others, and highly regard it for my own study and reflection on how the church should be advanced, led, and organized. May the Lord Jesus Christ bless his church.
Select Bibliography:
Calvin, John. Calvin’s Commentaries. 46 vols. Various translators. Edinburgh, Scotland: Calvin Translation Society, 1847-55; reprint edit. in 22 vols., Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Book House, 1998. See: Vol. XIX, Commentary on Acts 20:20.
Calvin, John. Institutes of the Christian Religion. John T. McNeil, ed. Ford Lewis Battles, trans. 2 vol. Philadelphia, PA: The Westminster Press, 1960. See: Book 4, Chapters 1-12.
Calvin, John. The Necessity of Reforming the Church. Dallas, TX: Protestant Heritage Press, Reprint, 1995.
George, Timothy, ed. John Calvin & the Church: A Prism of Reform. Louisville, KY: Westminster/John Knox Press, 1990. See the following chapters:
“The Church as the Elect in the Theology of Calvin” by David N. Wiley
“The Place of the Academy in Calvin’s Polity” by Charles E. Raynal III
“Calvin’s Teaching on the Elder Illuminated by Exegetical History” by Elsie Anne McKee
“Calvin’s Doctrine of the Proclamation of the Word and Its Significance Today” by John H. Leith
“John Calvin and the Prophetic Criticism of Worship” by Hughes Oliphant Old
McKim, Donald, ed. Encyclopedia of the Reformed Faith. Louisville, KY: Westminster/John Knox Press, 1992. See the following informative articles:
“Calvin, John” by Hughes Oliphant Old
“Calvinism” by W. Stanford Reid
“Church” by Jack L. Stotts
“Deacons” by Elsie Anne McKee
“Discipline, Church” by J. Wayne Baker
“Ecclesiastical Ordinances” by Robert D. Linder
“Elders” by Elsie Anne McKee
“Geneva Academy” by Robert M. Kingdon
“Geneva Bible” by Dan G. Danner
“Geneva Catechism” by Charles Partee
“Geneva Company of Pastors” by Robert M. Kingdon
“Genevan Consistory” by Robert M. Kingdon
“Genevan Reformation” by Robert M. Kingdon
“Pastoral Theology” by Andrew Purves
“Psalmody” by LindaJo McKim
“Theology, Reformed” by John H. Leith
“Worship” by Hughes Oliphant Old
McNeil, John T. The History and Character of Calvinism. London, England: Oxford University Press, 1954.
Sefton, Henry R. John Knox: An Account of the Development of His Spirituality. Edinburgh, Scotland: Saint Andrew Press, 1993.
Wallace, Ronald S. Calvin, Geneva, and the Reformation: “A Study of Calvin as Social Worker, Churchman, Pastor and Theologian. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Book House, 1988.
Zachman, Randall C. John Calvin as Teacher, Pastor, and Theologian. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Academic, 2006.
Dr. Marcus J. Serven, ThM and DMin
The Genevan Foundation – Copyright 2015 – All Rights Preserved
“You are the light of the world. A city set on a hill cannot be hidden.” (Matthew 5:14)
“God is light, and in him is no darkness at all.” (1 John 1:5)
During the balmy summer days of July, 1536 the twenty-seven year old John Calvin (1509-1564) was on his way from France into exile in Strasbourg, Germany. As he quickly sped along the stone-paved main highway with his younger brother Anthony and his half-sister Marie perhaps he asked himself, “Why are we fleeing?” Calvin lived during the tumultuous days of the Reformation when any man who rejected the teachings of the Roman Catholic Church was hunted-down, imprisoned, and often-times martyred. The cruel death in Paris of Calvin’s personal friend Stephen de La Forge in late 1534 made a significant impact upon his resolve to continue defending the evangelical cause. Thus, it was out of necessity that he flee from his native country to the safe-haven of Germany where he could write his books and carryout his biblical studies. On this hasty and clandestine journey Calvin was forced to detour from his initial route and travel a circuitous southern road through Geneva, Switzerland. At this time the armies of King Francis the 1st (1494-1547) were on extensive military maneuvers and every Protestant reformer (especially those of Calvin’s notoriety) would want to avoid the French troops at all costs. Calvin was rapidly becoming known as the author of a newly published treatise, Institutes of the Christian Religion (printed in Basle, March 1536). This potent book of only six short chapters was the clearest exposition yet of the basic doctrines of the Reformation. It was immediately identified as subversive literature by Roman Catholic scholars, yet the first edition sold out so quickly that another printing was eagerly sought by sympathetic readers. One modern theologian has thoughtfully stated,
Even from the point of view of mere literature, it holds a position so supreme in its class that every one who would fain know the world’s best books, must make himself familiar with it. What Thucydides is among the Greeks, or Gibbon among eighteenth-century English historians, what Plato is among philosophers, or the Iliad among epics, or Shakespeare among dramatists, that Calvin’s Institutes is among theological treatises.
Benjamin Warfield, Works, Vol. 5, 374
Calvin’s unplanned trek through Geneva figured to be one of the most significant turning-points of his life for it was here that he providentially met the zealous French missionary-evangelist Guillaume Farel (1489-1565). A few months prior to Calvin’s arrival in Geneva both Farel and Pierre Viret (1511-1571) participated in a formal debate with the leaders of Roman Catholic Church. As a result, on March 21, 1536 the city fathers voted decisively to reject the Roman Catholic faith and to recover the gospel as it was directly taught from the pages of the Bible. Following that signal victory Farel was strongly motivated to build a team of earnest and learned pastors to teach and preach biblical truth. He was especially eager to encourage someone of Calvin’s superior gifts to remain in Geneva to help with the reform effort then currently underway in the city. It was Calvin’s plan to remain only one night in Geneva, and so while eating dinner that evening at a local inn Calvin innocently remarked to Farel that he felt his place in life was to pursue a “quiet life of scholarship” in Strasbourg. Immediately, Farel stood up (some have suggested that he actually jumped on the table sending all of the dishes clattering to the floor in a loud series of crashes!), and with fiery eyes flashing and red-beard wagging he angrily denounced Calvin with an accusing finger shouting,
You are following your own wishes, and I declare, in the name of God Almighty, that if you do not assist us in this work of the Lord, the Lord will punish you for seeking your own interest rather than his.
Theodore Beza, Life of John Calvin, 29
Calvin was horrified by this impassioned denunciation and he timidly recoiled from the threat of divine judgment. Nevertheless, after reflecting on all that Farel had said, he determined to remain in Geneva and from that point on his ministry became inextricably tied to the city. He wrote later in the Preface to his Commentary on the Psalms, “I felt…as if God had from heaven laid His mighty hand upon me to arrest me from my course…I desisted from the journey which I had undertaken.” Thus, on September 5, 1536 when the Genevan City Council providentially appointed Calvin to be their “Professor of Sacred Literature” they probably had no idea that they were beginning a pastoral relationship with Calvin that would make a significant impact upon the whole Protestant world. Not all in Geneva were enthused about Calvin’s arrival, since he was a religious refugee from France, and they snidely referred to him in the minutes of the Genevan City Council as “ille Gallus” (or, “that Frenchman”). Yet, the sovereign Lord did indeed have a place of on-going ministry for Calvin, although it proved to be turbulent place filled with many troublesome people.
Calvin’s personal call to minister in Geneva was put to a serious test during the spring of 1538. The three pastors of Geneva, Calvin, Farel, and the blind and elderly Elie Courault (d. 1538), believed that the city was in so much turmoil over the efforts of reform that taking the Lord’s Supper would “profane so holy a mystery”. As Easter Sunday approached on April 21, 1538 the tension became so thick that Calvin reported more than sixty musket blasts shot off in front of his home late one night. Since the ministers stubbornly refused to offer the Lord’s Supper the Little Council voted to ban Calvin, Farel, and Courault from their pulpits. Despite this prohibition the ministers preached and did not serve the Lord’s Supper as they had been ordered to do. The next day the Little Council voted to oust the rebellious preachers. They gave them only three days to get their affairs in order and to leave the city. Theodore Beza recalls this chaotic time with Calvin’s own words,
This decision being intimated to Calvin, “Certainly”, says he, “…had I been the servant of men I had obtained a poor reward, but it is well that I have served Him who never fails to perform to his servants whatever he has promised.”
Theodore Beza, Life of John Calvin, 33
Therefore, on April 25, 1538 the three unwanted ministers departed the city leaving behind all of the angry denunciations, jeers, and threats. After making unsuccessful appeals in Berne and Zurich, Calvin was uncertain of where to go next. He was eventually recruited by the seasoned reformer Martin Bucer (1491-1551) to come to Strasbourg and serve as pastor to a congregation of French refugees. While there Calvin married a lovely French widow, Idelette de Bure, and further deepened his ties to Strasbourg by representing the city at the Colloquy of Hagenau (June, 1540), Worms (November, 1540), and Ratisbon (April, 1541). These three ecumenical conferences exposed Calvin to the wider world of Reformation theology and brought about a life-long friendship with the irenic German reformer Philip Melanchthon (1497-1560). While living in Strasbourg he also regularly taught at an academy led by Johannes Sturm (1507-1589), and penned his first Bible commentary on Paul’s Letter to the Romans (1539). Overall, these were pleasurable and productive years, punctuated with only a few sorrows. It came as quite a surprise, then, when in the midst of this happy period an official summons came from the City Council of Geneva asking him to return. This unexpected request brought up all the deep personal wounds of his banishment and required that Calvin seriously reflect upon his ministerial call to serve the Lord in Geneva. He confided in an agonizing letter to Farel on October 27, 1540 his personal fears about returning to that disorderly city,
I have no doubt whatever that you have taken good care to apologize for me to those brethren who advised that I should return to Geneva, that I have not replied to them. For you are well aware how on that account I was thrown for two days into such perplexity and trouble of mind that I was scarcely half myself … Whenever I call to mind the state of wretchedness in which my life was spent when there, how can it be otherwise but that my very soul must shudder when any proposal is made for my return? … But, at the same time, while I call to mind by what torture my conscience was racked at that time, and with how much anxiety it was continually boiling over, pardon me if I dread that place as having about it somewhat of a fatality in my case … But now that by the favor of God I am delivered, should I be unwilling to plunge myself once more into the gulf and whirlpool which I have already found to be so dangerous and destructive, who would not excuse me?
John Calvin, Selected Works, Vol. 4, 210-212
Such frank correspondence continued back and forth between Calvin and his close confidants, Farel and Viret, for several months before it finally culminated in the decision that he would return to Geneva. There is little doubt, however, that an open letter written by Calvin from Strasbourg (September 1, 1539) and sent on Geneva’s behalf to Cardinal Jacopo Sadoleto (1477-1547) demonstrated the sterling value of Calvin’s ministry and scholarship. In it Calvin forcefully argued for the cause of the Reformation and rejected Sadoleto’s faulty reasoning as to why the city of Geneva should return to the Roman Catholic Church. Calvin began his reply in this way,
You lately addressed a Letter to the Senate and People of Geneva, in which you sounded their inclination as to whether, after having once shaken off the yoke of the Roman Pontiff, they would submit to have it again imposed upon them. In that letter, as it was not expedient to wound the feelings of those whose favor you required to gain your cause, you acted the part of a good pleader; for you endeavored to soothe them by abundance of flattery, in order that you might gain them to your views.
John Olin, ed., A Reformation Debate, 49-50
What was Calvin’s motive to enter into this theological disputation and contest of wills? After all, he had been forcibly removed from Geneva by the people’s rejection of his plan of reformation. The following autobiographical comment from his letter to Sadoleto reveals that Calvin still felt a very strong call by God to minister to the people of Geneva. His personal resolve was evident despite their rejection and his on-going ministry in Strasbourg. He notes with some passion,
But when I see that my ministry, which I feel assured is supported and sanctioned by a call from God, is wounded through my side, it would be perfidy, not patience, where I here to be silent and connive…For though I am for the present relieved of the charge of the Church of Geneva, that circumstance ought not to prevent me from embracing it with paternal affection—God, when He gave me the charge, having bound me to be faithful to it forever. Now, then, when I see the worst snares laid for that Church whose safety it has pleased the Lord to make my highest care, and grievous peril impending if not obviated, who will advise me to await the issue silent and unconcerned? How heartless, I ask, would it be to wink in idleness, and, as it were, vacillating at the destruction of one whose life you are bound vigilantly to guard and preserve? (Olin ed., A Reformation Debate, 50-51)
John Olin, ed., A Reformation Debate, 50-51
Calvin went on further to challenge Sadoleto’s claim that justification by faith was an unbalanced doctrine that left no place in the Christian life for good works. He showed Sadoleto’s view to be an error in the following quotation,
You, in the first place, touch upon justification by faith, the first and keenest subject of controversy between us. Is this a knotty and useless question? Wherever the knowledge of it is taken away, the glory of Christ is extinguished, religion abolished, the Church destroyed, and the hope of salvation utterly overthrown. That doctrine, then, though of the highest moment, we maintain that you have nefariously effaced from the memory of men. Our books are filled with convincing proofs of this fact, and the gross ignorance of this doctrine, which even still continues in all your churches, declares that our complaint is by no means ill founded. But you very maliciously stir up prejudice against us, alleging that, by attributing every thing to faith, we leave no room for works.
John Olin, ed., A Reformation Debate, 66
Having received this stinging reply from Calvin nothing more was ever heard from the pen of Cardinal Sadoleto regarding the “very dear brethren” of Geneva. All efforts at persuasion simply stopped. An opposite effect though, and certainly one that was completely unintended, came about when the leaders of Geneva began to wonder if they had made great mistake in 1538 by forcibly removing Calvin from his office as Pastor and “Professor of Sacred Literature”. They earnestly began to make every effort to get him back at all costs; and these exertions finally paid off. Calvin returned to Geneva on September 13, 1541. He picked-up his preaching exactly where he had left off two and half years prior. It appears that both Farel and Bucer played key roles in bringing about this favorable decision. Beza later remarks of Bucer’s efforts, “He never would have obtained Calvin’s consent, had he not given warning of Divine judgment, and appealed to the example of Jonah”. Surely, Farel would have approved of such tactics since he had used them before in 1536 with such very good results.
Over the next twenty-three years of Calvin’s ministry (1541-1564) the gospel steadily prevailed and Geneva became widely known as the foremost city of the Protestant Reformation. Calvin’s continual ministry of preaching, teaching, catechizing, writing, counseling, and discipling brought about so many changes for good that the general population in time came to greatly appreciate him. Following the crucial elections of 1555, when Calvin’s plans for reformation triumphed, his value grew as an esteemed teacher, pastor, and theologian. On December 25, 1559 the Council members gratefully extended to him full citizenship in thanks for all that he had given to the city. More than ever before the motto of Geneva, Post Tenebrus Lux or “After Darkness, Light”, reflected the profound deliverance from darkness that the entire city felt as a result of the gospel’s progress in their lives. Think of it, in God’s providence the simple act of one man taking a different road proved to be such a great benefit to so many. Moreover, by God’s grace that same man endured and overcame the numerous difficulties that arose in Geneva and positively influenced the culture for good. He was faithful to his ministerial call. As a result, the Lord abundantly blessed the entire city through one man’s indefatigable labor and personal sacrifice. Soli Deo Gloria! To God alone be the glory!
Resources for Further Study:
Beza, Theodore. Life of John Calvin. Edinburgh, Scotland: Calvin Translation Society, 1844; Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Book House, Reprint 1983.
Beveridge, Henry and Jules Bonnet, eds. Selected Works of John Calvin: Tracts & Letters. 7 Vols. Edinburgh, Scotland: Calvin Translation Society 1844-1858. Grand Rapids: Baker Book House, Reprint 1983.
Calvin, John. Institutes of the Christian Religion. Ford Lewis Battles, trans. 2 Volumes. Philadelphia, PA: The Westminster Press, Reprint 1960.
Calvin, John, Commentary on the Book of Psalms. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Book House, Reprint 1998.
D’Aubigne, Merle. History of the Reformation in the Time of Calvin. Harrisonburg: Sprinkle Publications, Reprint 2000.
de Greef, Wulfert. The Writings of John Calvin: An Introductory Guide. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Book House, 1993.
De Koster, Lester. Light for the City: Calvin’s Preaching, Source of Life and Liberty. Grand Rapids, MI: William B. Eerdmans Publishing, 2004.
George, Timothy. Theology of the Reformers. Nashville, TN: The Broadman Press, 1988.
Hunter, A. Mitchell. The Teaching of Calvin. Eugene, OR: Wipf & Stock Publishers, 1920, Reprint 1999.
Olin, John C., ed. A Reformation Debate: John Calvin & Jacopo Sadoleto. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Book House, 1966.
Parker, T. H. L. John Calvin: A Biography. Philadelphia, PA: The Westminster Press, 1975.
McNeill, John T. The History and Character of Calvinism. London, England: Oxford University Press, 1954.
Stickelberger, Emanuel. Calvin: A Life. London, England: James Clarke & Company, 1959.
Van Halsema, Thea B. This Was John Calvin. Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan Publishing House, 1959.
Van Til, Henry R. The Calvinistic Concept of Culture. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Book House, 1959.
Wallace, Ronald S. Calvin, Geneva, and the Reformation. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Book House, 1990.
Warfield, Benjamin B. Calvin and Calvinism. Vol. 5. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Book House, 1932, Reprint 2003.
Walker, Williston. John Calvin: Organizer of Reformed Protestantism. New York, NY: Schocken Books, 1969.
Wendel, Francois. Calvin: The Origins and Development of His Religious Thought. New York, NY: Harper and Row, 1963. Grand Rapids: Baker Book House, Reprint 1997.
Zachman, Randall C. John Calvin as Teacher, Pastor, and Theologian. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Book House, 2006.
Dr. Marcus J. Serven, ThM and DMin
The Genevan Foundation – Copyright 2012 – All Rights Reserved
“Greater love has no one than this, that someone lays down his life for his friends.” John 15:13
What kind of man was John Calvin (1509-1564), the Reformer of Geneva? Many people have very strong opinions about him, but few have ever read anything he actually wrote, or heard any of the fascinating stories from his life. Consider this compelling event from December 12, 1547: Calvin’s bold entry into the Council of the Two Hundred during the midst of a deadly sword fight! It is a fine example of his courageous character, positive reputation, and frank outspokenness. This challenging situation came about as Calvin and the other ministers of Geneva sought to advance spiritual and civil reform in that troubled city. The Company of Pastors was on its way to the Small Council to complain about the outcome of a trial against Ami Perrin, the leader of the Libertines, and against Laurent Maigret, a French refugee and personal friend of Calvin. What was the background of this explosive situation?
Ami Perrin and Laurent Maigret had been accused of treasonous activity for making a secret alliance with the French to house troops within the walls of Geneva. With the threat of invasion by the Holy Roman Empire under Charles V (1500-1558) a very real possibility, it only seemed natural for independent Geneva to align itself with its powerful neighbor, France. However, this arrangement became extremely awkward when it was pointed out that France also had imperialistic ambitions towards Geneva and all of western Switzerland. Thus, Ami Perrin and Laurent Maigret were widely suspected of high treason. It must be remembered that the Libertines (also known as the Enfants de Geneva) were clever and determined opponents of Calvin. They sought to gain an unfair advantage over the pastors of the Genevan church whenever and wherever possible. This political situation was no different, and the Libertines cunningly played the Genevan Nationalists against the “foreign” Reformers. Noted Reformation scholar, Brian G. Armstrong, remarks that essentially the Libertines were,
…Genevan patriots and influential families (the Perrins, Favres, Vandels, Bertheliers, etc.) who led the republic to independence and the Reformation. They resented the dominant influence of Calvin and “foreigners” in Genevan affairs. A bitter struggle with Calvin ended in their complete disgrace in 1555.
Armstrong, “Libertines,” quoted in The New International Dictionary of the Christian Church, 595.
Thus, upon his arrest Ami Perrin immediately lost his position as the Captain-General over Geneva’s militia. Both he and Maigret were imprisoned, and a public trial was conducted. Throughout this lengthy trial emotions ran high on both sides; with some clamoring for a guilty verdict and others for acquittal. The city was thrown into turmoil. In a short time, Ami Perrin was acquitted due to a lack of evidence and the Libertines celebrated his exoneration, while Maigret languished in prison. And once again, Geneva was seriously divided over this lop-sided outcome. The Council of Two Hundred was so sufficiently agitated that scuffles and sword fights broke out. It was just at that time (on Monday, December 12, 1547) that the Company of Pastors was passing by the building. Hearing all of the commotion, Calvin ran for the doors and burst inside into the middle of a heated argument. He threw himself into the cauldron of swirling opponents and calmed the warring parties with bold words. The official entry in The Register of the Company of Pastors of Geneva reports the tumultuous event in this way,
On Monday 12 December 1547 it was decided by the brethren to present themselves before Messieurs for the purpose of objecting strongly to the insolence, debauchery, dissoluteness, and hostility which were leading the church and city to ruin; and this was done on the same day. It was further resolved that similar action should be taken by us at the next meeting of the Council of the Two Hundred which was held on the Friday following, namely the 16th day of the same month. On this day we left the Congregation sooner than was customary. This was not done without great blessing from God, for when we arrived at the public hall, where the Two Hundred were assembled, a variety of disputes had already arisen and the minds of nearly all were so inflamed that they were not far from insurrection. Indeed an atrocious shedding of blood would have followed had not the Lord intervened. When he heard the alarming clamor and uproar Calvin rushed ahead into the midst of the tumult which was now quite out of hand, and the others followed him. Nearly all were so agitated and enraged that it was impossible to hear anyone clearly. But after a little while calm was restored and the Two Hundred were brought to order. Presenting ourselves to them, we used the same exhortations as we had used before the Council previously, but on this occasion when insurrection threatened, everything was handled by Calvin much more forcefully.
The Register, from December 12, 1547, 70
On the following day Calvin wrote these revealing and descriptive lines in a personal letter to his friend and fellow-minister, Pierre Viret (1511-1571),
The Two Hundred had been summoned. I had publicly announced to my colleagues that I would go to the senate-house. We were there a little, indeed, before the hour of meeting. As many people were still walking about in the public street, we went out by the gate that is contiguous to the senate-house. Numerous confused shouts were heard from that quarter. These, meanwhile, increased to such a degree as to afford a sure sign of insurrection. I immediately ran up to the place. The appearance of matters was terrible. I cast myself into the thickest of the crowds, to the amazement of almost everyone. The whole people, however, made a rush towards me; they seized and dragged me hither and thither, lest I should suffer injury. I called God and men to witness that I had come for the purpose of presenting my body to their swords. I exhorted them, if they designed to shed blood, to begin with me. The worthless, but especially the respectable portion of the crowd, at once greatly relaxed in their fervor. I was at length dragged through the midst to the Senate. There fresh fights arose, into the midst of which I threw myself. All are of opinion that a great and disgraceful carnage was prevented from taking place by my interposition. My colleagues meanwhile were mixed up with the crowd. I succeeded in getting them to all sit down quietly. They say that all were exceedingly affected by a long and vehement speech, suitable to the occasion, which I delivered. The exceptions were at least few, and even they, not less than the respectable part of the people, praised my conduct in the circumstances. God, indeed, protects myself and colleagues to the extent of the privilege implied in the declaration of even the most abandoned, that they abhor the least injury done to us not less than they detest parricide. Their wickedness has, however, reached such a pitch, that I hardly hope to be able any longer to retain any kind of position for the Church, especially under my ministry. My influence is gone, believe me, unless God stretch forth his hand…Adieu, brother and most sincere friend. Salute your colleague and all the brethren. My wife and I wish yours every greeting. May the Lord be perpetually present with you.—Amen.
John Calvin, Selected Works, A personal letter to Pierre Viret of Lausanne dated December 14, 1547.
Calvin’s bleak prognosis for the demise of his ministry, however, simply did not come true. The Lord “stretched forth his hand” and protected the fledgling church of Geneva. Calvin suffered through many other extraordinary difficulties, yet he persevered and prospered through them with the Lord’s blessing. In time, the Libertines were discredited and the reformers were rewarded with the appreciation of the entire city (1555).
It is also important to note that Calvin’s words were not those of a dictator or a tyrant, but those of servant of the living God who was pressed by dangers on every side. Sadly, Calvin has been falsely accused of oppressive and self-serving behavior. Yet, the numerous facts stand as a stark testimony to his indefatigable service to God and to the citizens of Geneva. He certainly demonstrated the characteristics of bold courage, resolute determination, and self-sacrifice. It has often been said that you don’t really know the character of a man until you see how he acts in the midst of trouble. Here, then, is a window into the personal character of John Calvin that is wide-open for all to see. He was ready to lay down his own life for the sake of others. He presented himself before the swords of his enemies, so that if there was to be any shedding of blood it should begin with him. Moreover, he sincerely believed that the people of the city must be reformed in both doctrine and moral conduct before lasting spiritual fruit would come forth. This outcome, that of true spiritual reformation, was the object of all of his labors. And in time, by God’s grace, he realized his goal.
Resources for Further Study:
Calvin, John. Selected Works of John Calvin: Tracts and Letters. Volume 5. Edited by Jules Bonnet and translated by David Constable. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Book House,1983.
Douglas, J. D., ed. New International Dictionary of the Christian Church. Revised Edition. Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan Publishing House, 1978.
“Calvin, John”, W. S. Reid
“Calvinism”, W. S. Reid
“Geneva Bible”, Robert D. Linder
“Genevan Academy”, W. S. Reid
“Genevan Catechism”, W. S. Reid
“Libertines”, Brian G. Armstrong
“Reformation, The”, Robert D. Linder
Hughes, Philip E. ed. and trans. The Register of the Company of Pastors of Geneva in the Time of Calvin. Grand Rapids, MI: William B. Eerdmans Publishing Company, 1966.
Parker, T. H. L. John Calvin: A Biography. Philadelphia, PA: The Westminster Press, 1975.
McNeill, John T. The History and Character of Calvinism. London, England: Oxford University Press, 1954.
Stickelberger, Emanuel. Calvin: A Life. London, England: James Clarke & Company, 1959.
Walker, Williston. John Calvin: Organizer of Reformed Protestantism. New York, NY: Schocken Books, 1969.
Wendel, Francois. Calvin: The Origins and Development of His Religious Thought. New York, NY: Harper & Row, 1963.
Dr. Marcus J. Serven, ThM and DMin
The Genevan Foundation – Copyright 2014 – All Rights Reserved
It is appropriate for Christians to remember the significant heroes of the past. This is especially true for Protestants, since there have been so many great champions from the Reformation (1517-1688) who made a major impact upon the present day church—men such as: Theodore Beza, Martin Bucer, Heinrich Bullinger, John Calvin, Thomas Cranmer, Oliver Cromwell, John Hus, John Knox, Hugh Latimer, Martin Luther, Philip Melanchthon, Pierre-Robert Olivetan, Caspar Olevianus, Nicolas Ridley, Samuel Rutherford, William Tyndale, Zacharias Ursinus, John Wycliffe, Ulrich Zwingli, and many other lesser known persons. Each one of these Reformers, despite some of their individual differences, greatly influenced the church in their own particular region to hold to right doctrine (orthodoxy) and to develop right practices (orthopraxy) in their churches based upon the Bible. This is why taking time to remember these men each year on Reformation Day, the very day that Martin Luther posted his Ninety-five Theses on the door of the Castle Church in Wittenberg (October 31, 1517), is good and right and proper. Consider the following “rallying cries” as hard-won blessings which have been “bought with blood” for the benefit of Christ’s Church during this current era in which we live.
“By Scripture Alone” (Sola Scriptura): The Bible alone is the source of God’s revelation; it contains the Law, the Gospel, and principles for how we should live, worship and think (principium cognoscendi). At the Diet of Worms (1521) Martin Luther based his whole argument on the phrase, “My conscience is captive to the Word of God.” Thus, Sola Scriptura is commonly referred to as the “formal principle” of the Reformation (Isa. 40:8; Jn. 5:39, 10:35; 2 Tim. 3:14-17, Heb. 4:12-13).
“By Christ Alone” (Solus Christus): Jesus Christ is the only name by which we may be saved. The gospel is exclusive, and only faith in Christ saves (Isa. 53:1-12; Jn. 14:6; 1 Tim. 2:5-7, Acts 4:12).
“By Grace Alone” (Sola Gratia): God’s grace alone is the ground of our salvation, and this is received by faith alone. Without God’s grace no one would be saved (Ps. 31:1; Eph. 2:4-10; Tit. 2:11-14).
“By Faith Alone” (Sola Fide): God-given faith is the only way to receive the imputed righteousness of Christ, which results in our justification. Luther noted, “faith is the receptive organ of justification.” Hence, the gift of faith is often referred to as the “material principle” of the Reformation. Moreover, Luther insisted that justification by faith is, “the article upon which the Church stands or falls” (justificatio est articulus stantis et cadentis ecclesiae). See the following Bible passages which clearly prove this point (Hab. 2:4; Rom. 1:16-17, 3:28; Eph. 2:8-9; Tit. 3:5-7).
“Before the face of God” (Coram Deo): Christians are exhorted by the Bible to live all of life in the presence of God. This implies that there is no area of life where we do not have “business with God” [Negotium cum Deo]. Christ is Lord over all (Prov. 15:3; Eph. 5:1-21; Col. 3:1-17).
“To God Be the Glory” (Soli Deo Gloria): God alone is the proper recipient of our gratitude in the matter of salvation and the Christian life (1 Cor. 10:31; Tit. 3:5-7; 1 Pt. 4:10-11).
“The Priesthood of Every Believer” (Communio Sanctorum): Every believer is exhorted by God to live-out the Christian life as a “holy venture” that pleases God (1 Pt. 2:9-10). Our sanctification and assurance of salvation are based solely upon the finished work of Jesus Christ on the Cross (Rom. 12:1-2; 1 Jn. 1:9, 5:13; 1 Pt. 2:21-25).
“After Darkness, Light” (Post Tenebras Lux): This was the town motto of Geneva, Switzerland during the time of the Reformation. It reflects the wonderful deliverance from their former way of life that the local population came to feel as they lived by the doctrines of the Bible (Jn. 3:19-21 and 8:12; Eph. 4:17-32; Col. 1:13-14).
“The Church reformed, always reforming” (Ecclesia Reformata, Semper Reformanda): This slogan does not mean that the Church is always seeking to be “in step” with modern contemporary culture. Instead, it means that the Church of Jesus Christ is always measuring its doctrine and practices by Holy Scripture and reforming it when necessary. Only in this way does the Church keep itself pure and fit for service unto the Lord.
George, Timothy. Theology of the Reformers. Revised edition. Nashville, TN: B&H Academic, 2013.
Lindsay, Thomas M. The Reformation: A Handbook. First published in 1882; reprint, Edinburgh, UK: The Banner of Truth Trust, 2006.
McKim, Donald K., ed. Encyclopedia of the Reformed Faith. Louisville, KY: Westminster/John Knox Press, 1992.
Muller, Richard A. Dictionary of Latin & Greek Theological Terms. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Books, 1985.
Nichols, Stephen. The Reformation: How a Monk and a Mallet Changed the World. Wheaton, IL: Crossway, 2007.
Sproul, R. C. What Is Reformed Theology? Formerly called: Grace Unknown: The Heart of Reformed Theology. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Book House Company, 1977.
Dr. Marcus J. Serven, ThM and DMin The Genevan Foundation – Copyright 2017 – All Rights Reserved