“Old Town” Heidelberg on the Rhine River in Southern Germany
Written by Dr. Marcus J. Serven
Out of all the Creeds, Confessions, and Catechisms written during the time of the Protestant Reformation, the Heidelberg Catechism (1563) is the most beloved. It is loved for its brevity, its faithfulness to the Bible, and its testimony to shared human experience. Written in Heidelberg, Germany by Zacharius Ursinus (1534-1583) and Caspar Olevianus (1536-1587), it touches the core of human emotion by making numerous statements throughout that affirm the promises of God. It has especially been appreciated during times of persecution, trial, and war. It was commissioned by Prince Frederick III (1515-1576) elector of the Palatinate in Southern Germany. The people of the Netherlands came to greatly appreciate this Catechism and made it part of the “Three Forms of Unity” that are affirmed in most Dutch Reformed Churches. The “Three forms of Unity” consist of: (1) The Belgic Confession, (2) The Canons of Dort, and (3) The Heidelberg Catechism.
What is unique and special about the Heidelberg Catechism? G. I. Williamson answers with the following thoughtful explanation,
“One of the unique things about the Heidelberg Catechism is that it really is two creeds in one. Or, to say it differently, there is a creed with this creed. You see, a large part of the catechism (or creed) is simply a careful explanation of the Apostles’ Creed. The Apostles’ Creed is the earliest, or most ancient, creed of the church. And right here we see one of the most important things about a creed that is true to the Bible–it remains true down through the ages. It does not need to be changed again and again, with each generation, because it deals with things that are unchanging. Thus, an accurate creed binds the generations together. It reminds us that the church of Jesus Christ is not confined to one age, just as it is not confined to any one place. In other words, there is a unity in what Christians have believed, right down through the ages. Just think of it: when we confess our faith today in the words of the Apostles’ Creed, we join with all those believers who have gone before us. Does this not demonstrate that there is indeed just one Lord and one true faith?”
G. I. Williamson, The Heidelberg Catechism, 3
Here are the first two questions–of one hundred and twenty-nine altogether–that show forth the experiential and personally relevant character of the Heidelberg Catechism. Note the emphasis on one’s “comfort” and personal assurance in the face of the many trials and tribulations of this world.
Lord’s Day 1 – With Scripture Proofs
Zacharius Ursinus (1534-1583)
Q. 1: What is thy only comfort in life and death?
A.: That I with body and soul, both in life and death (1), am not my own (2), but belong unto my faithful Savior Jesus Christ (3); who, with His precious blood (4), hath fully satisfied for all my sins (5), and delivered me from all the power of the devil (6); and so preserves me (7) that without the will of my heavenly Father, not a hair can fall from my head (8); yea, that all things must be subservient to my salvation (9), and therefore, by His Holy Spirit, He also assures me of eternal life (10), and makes me sincerely willing and ready, henceforth, to live unto Him (11).
1 Cor. 6:19-20
Rom. 14:7-9
1 Cor. 3:23
1 Pet. 1:18-19
John 1:17
1 John 3:8; Heb. 2:14-15
John 6:39; John 10:28-29
Luke 21:18; Matt. 10:30
Rom. 8:28
2 Cor. 1:22; 2 Cor. 5:5
Rom. 8:14; Rom. 7:22
Caspar Olevianus (1536-1587)
Q. 2: How many things are necessary for thee to know, that thou, enjoying this comfort, mayest live and die happily?
A.: Three (1), the first, how great my sins and miseries are (2); the second, how I may be delivered from all my sins and miseries (3); the third, how I shall express my gratitude to God for such deliverance (4).
Luke 24:47
1 Cor. 6:10-11; John 9:41; Rom. 3:10, 19
John 17:3
Eph. 5:8-10
Let us, then, as students of the Bible resolve to learn the questions and answers from this historic catechism. It is an accurate summary of the teachings from the Bible. Plus, it addresses some of the most searching questions formulated by Christians who have experienced much misery and suffering. Soli Deo Gloria!
Select Bibliography:
Beeke, Joel & Sinclair Ferguson, eds. Reformed Confessions Harmonized. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Book House, 1999.
Boekestein, William. The Quest for Comfort: The Story of the Heidelberg Catechism. Grand Rapids, MI: Reformation Heritage Books, 2011.
Douglas, J. D. ed. The New International Dictionary of the Christian Church. Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan Publishing House, 1974; Revised edition, 1978.
“Calvin, John,” by W. S. Reid
“Calvinism,” by W. S. Reid
“Genevan Catechism,” by W. S. Reid
“Catechisms,” by Colin Buchanan
“Low Countries,” by Dirk Jellema
“Olevianus, Kaspar,” by J. G. C. Norman
“Protestantism,” by David C. Steinmetz
“Reformation, The,” by Robert D. Linder
“Reformed Churches,” by W. S. Reid
“Ursinus, Zacharias,” by Marvin W. Anderson
McKim, Donald K. ed. Encyclopedia of the Reformed Faith. Louisville, KY: Westminster/John Knox Press, 1992.
“Calvin, John,” by Hughes Oliphant Olds
“Calvinism,” by W. Stanford Reid
“Dutch Reformation,” by Donald Bruggink
“Genevan Reformation,” by Robert M. Kingdon
“Heidelberg Catechism,” by Shirley C. Guthrie
“Olevianus, Kaspar,” by Lyle D. Bierma
“Ursinus, Zacharius,” by Dirk Visser
Noll, Mark A., ed. Confessions and Catechisms of the Reformation. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Book House, 1991.
Williamson, G. I. The Heidelberg Catechism: A Study Guide. Phillipsburg, NJ: P&R Publishers, 1993.
Dr. Marcus J. Serven, ThM and DMin
Genevan Foundation – Copyright 2020 – All Rights Reserved
“Old Town” Zurich and the River Limat in Switzerland
Written by Dr. Marcus J. Serven
Ulrich Zwingli
Conrad Grebel
It was on the 21st of January, 1525, that a dozen disillusioned men trudged through the snow near the city of Zurich, Switzerland to a dwelling where they could consult together in private. These men were known amongst themselves as the Swiss Brethren, or by their enemies, as the Anabaptists (“ana” = again + “baptist” = baptized). Central in this group of zealous young reformers were Conrad Grebel (1498-1526), Felix Manz (1498-1527), and Georg Blaurock (1492-1529). Each had recently participated in a heated public disputation with the renowned Swiss Reformer Ulrich Zwingli (1484-1531) concerning the biblical basis of infant baptism. The city council of Zurich had declared Zwingli the victor, hence the men would have to either change their views on the matter, flee the city, or suffer the consequences. After discussing their options, they chose the latter—to suffer for the sake of their convictions. That night they boldly separated from the main stream of the Protestant Reformation by re-baptizing themselves as adult believers. William Estep describes the scene in this way,
After prayer, Georg of the House of Jacob stood up and strongly urged Conrad Grebel for God’s sake to baptize him with the true Christian baptism upon his faith and knowledge. And when he knelt down and with such a request and desire, Conrad baptized him, since at that time there was no ordained minister to perform such work. Following their re-baptism they vigorously began to preach and teach about their new found beliefs.
William Estep, The Anabaptist Story
Anabaptists are drowned in the River Limat
The Anabaptist message spread rapidly to Germany, Austria, and the Netherlands resulting in a growing number of new congregations. Since the connection between the organized church and the civil government (i.e. the Magistrates) was very strong, any dissenters on theological grounds were quickly apprehended and sometimes even persecuted by the local authorities. Within a few short years, Conrad Grebel had died in prison (1526), Felix Manz had been arrested and sentenced to death by drowning (1527; his enemies caustically referred to this as his “third baptism”), and Georg Blaurock had been burned at the stake as a heretic (1529). Amazingly, Protestants had begun to persecute fellow Protestants! Swift martyrdom would become the norm for the Anabaptists for the next several centuries. In addition, many of the Magisterial Reformers began to forcefully speak out against the Anabaptists. Timothy George notes,
Heinrich Bullinger, for instance, called them “devilish enemies and destroyers of the church of God.” Luther’s preferred term was Schwarmer, which recalls the uncontrollable buzzing of bees around a hive, and which the German reformer applied indiscriminately to a wide host of adversaries. Calvin’s epithets were no less pejorative: “fanatics,” “deluded,” “scatter-brains,” “asses,” “scoundrels,” “mad dogs.” Interpreting the radicals in terms of dissent and nonconformity has skewed efforts to understand their own spiritual motivation.
Timothy George, Theology of the Reformers, 2nd edition, 267-268
God, however, in the midst of the persecution would raise up many courageous spokesmen to replace those who had suffered martyrdom for their faith. One such leader would be—the peaceable and articulate Dutchman, Menno Simons.
Menno Simons
Menno Simons (1496-1561) was born to a peasant family in the Friesland region of northern Holland. At twenty-eight years of age he became a Roman Catholic Priest in the village church at Pingjum, Friesland. While serving as priest a nagging question developed in his mind regarding the doctrine of transubstantiation (that belief that the bread and the wine actually become the body and blood of our Lord Jesus Christ). As a result, he began to have doubts as to the validity of the miracle of the Mass.
My reader, I write to you the truth in Christ and lie not. In the year 1524, being then in my twenty-eighth year, I undertook the duties of a priest in my father’s village, called Pingjum, in Friesland. Two other persons of about my age, also officiated in the same station. The one was my pastor, and was well learned in part; the other succeeded me; both had read the scriptures partially; but I had not touched them during my life, for I feared, if I should read them they would mislead me. Behold! such a stupid preacher was I, for nearly two years. In the first year thereafter a thought occurred to me, as often as I handled the bread and wine in the mass, that they were not the flesh and blood of the Lord. I thought that it was the suggestion of the devil, that he might lead me off from my faith. I confessed it often—sighed and prayed, yet I could not be freed from this thought.
Complete Works of Menno Simons, 668
Menno’s apprehension over the issue forced him to turn to the Bible. He searched for texts that would convincingly prove the doctrine of transubstantiation, but he was not satisfied with the explanations that he read and heard. Finally, he concluded that such doctrines were the fabrication of the Church and promoted idolatry. He wrote following his conversion these words of personal chastening,
Yes, I have said to a weak, perishing creature that came forth from the earth, that was broken in a mill, that was baked by the fire, that was chewed by my teeth and digested by my stomach, namely, to a mouthful of bread, Thou hast saved me…O God, thus have I, a miserable sinner, toyed with the harlot of Babylon for many years.
Complete Works of Menno Simons, 76
Another doctrine which came under Menno’s scrutiny was the practice of infant baptism. In 1531 a Dutch Anabaptist, Sicke Snijder, was beheaded for being “re-baptized.” This shocking event caused Menno to rethink the whole issue of baptism and to question what practices were truly biblical. Menno had been taught in Roman Catholic theology that infants are born with original sin which must be covered by grace through the sacrament of infant baptism (ie: ex opere operato = the giving of grace is “done in the doing”). The sacrament, when administered by a Roman Catholic Priest, would confer upon the infant sufficient grace that if the baby should die it would avoid Limbus Infantum and reside in Purgatory or Heaven. As the baby grew into an adult that person’s faithful participation in the Church would result in the forgiveness of sins and the accrual of enough grace to enter Purgatory or Heaven. The Anabaptists completely rejected Roman Catholic sacramentalism as unscriptural, and thereby infant baptism as practiced in the Roman Catholic Church.
As a side note, it should be acknowledged that many other Protestants also reject the Roman Catholic sacramental system of baptism. Presbyterian and Reformed churches, for example, base infant baptism upon the Old Testament covenantal promises to parents (Deuteronomy 7:6-9). This promise is realized in the practice of circumcision (Genesis 17:7-14) and its clear connection with New Testament baptism (Acts 2:39; Colossians 2:11-12). Reformed believers reason that baptism in and of itself does not confer any grace–it is a sign and a seal of that grace. Baptism emphasizes God’s covenantal promises to the believing parents and identifies their baptized child as a member of God’s covenant community (i.e. the Church). Baptism, thereby, becomes an impetus for faithful Christian parents to evangelize and disciple their “covenant children” whom God has graciously given to them. It is also a significant reminder for baptized individuals (no matter what age they may be) to live up to the promises that God has placed upon their life.
Even with these doctrinal changes Menno remained a Roman Catholic Priest. He characterized his life at that time as “full of gambling and drinking.” However, in April 1535 three hundred armed Anabaptist believers overthrew the Old Cloister near Bolsward in Northern Holland. For eight days they withstood the assault of troops loyal to the Roman Catholic Church. However, they were utterly defeated and mercilessly slaughtered. Among these radical Anabaptists were several whom Menno had taught in his own congregation, and even more disturbingly—the brother of Menno, Peter Simons. Peter’s death had a profound effect upon Menno. This event, and the earlier debacle at Munster, Germany, where several thousand revolutionary Anabaptists where killed by both Lutherans and Roman Catholics alike, caused Menno to develop his firm opposition to warfare in every situation. He became an ardent and persuasive pacifist who repudiated taking up arms.
After this had transpired, the blood of these people, although mislead fell…hot on my heart…I reflected upon my unclean, carnal life, also the hypocritical doctrine and idolatry which I still practiced daily in appearance of godliness, but without relish. I saw that these zealous children, although in error, willingly gave their lives and their estates for their doctrine and faith. And I was one of those who had disclosed to some of them the abominations of the papal system. But I myself…acknowledged abominations simply in order that I might enjoy physical comfort and escape the cross of Christ.
Compete Works of Menno Simons, 670-671
He confessed his own hypocrisy, and finally his conversion came about in 1535 at age thirty-nine. He writes of this decisive experience,
My heart trembled within me. I prayed to God with the sighs and tears that He would give to me, a sorrowing sinner, the gift of His grace, create in me a clean heart, and graciously through the merits of the crimson blood of Christ forgive my unclean walk and frivolous easy life and bestow on me wisdom, Spirit, courage, and a manly spirit so that I might preach His exalted and adorable name and holy Word in purity.
Complete Works of Menno Simons, 671
On January 30, 1536, Menno preached his final sermon as a Roman Catholic Priest and formally sought out the fellowship of “peaceful” Anabaptists. Later that year, he identified with the small group led by Obbe Philips (1500-1568) where he was first baptized (1536), and then ordained (1537). When Obbe Philips stepped-back from his role as leader, due to his internal conflict over the death of so many of his followers, Menno stepped-up and filled the void along with Obbe’s younger brother Dirk Philips (1502-1568). This fledgling group grew in prominence so that most Anabaptists, in time, became known as Mennonites.
The Complete Works of Menno Simons
As successive Anabaptist leaders met their deaths by martyrdom, Menno survived them all and enjoyed a fruitful twenty-five year ministry throughout the Netherlands and Northern Germany. He often preached his gospel in small “home churches” and fled the authorities who sought to imprison him. His wife and children suffered great poverty from the rigors of living on the road. At one point the Emperor, Charles 5th, offered a reward of one hundred gold guilders for his capture. Nevertheless, Menno eluded every potential “Judas” and continued to preach, teach, and write. His most significant and systematic work was The Foundation of Christian Knowledge, which was published in 1539. His last years were spent in relative peace at Holstein; he died in his own bed at Wustenfelde, near Lubeck, in northern Germany and was buried in his garden.
Young Mennonite Women
Historically, Mennonite beliefs could be summarized in the following way: (a) the community of believers is stressed (so that marriage only among Anabaptist believers is encouraged); (b) each disciple commits themselves to a new way of life in Christ (which is sealed through adult baptism); (c) baptism is only offered to adult believers (usually by pouring); (d) foot-washing is often times practiced along with the Lord’s Supper (which is observed twice a year); (e) each individual and family is to withdraw from the secular world (so that participation in politics, higher learning, and the military is discouraged); (f) Scripture is taken literally and non-scriptural terms are generally not used (ie: the Trinity; (g) although it is affirmed as the teaching of the Bible the term is not used); (h) dogmatic theology is rejected (instead, personal experience is emphasized); (i) pacifism is encouraged (rather than nationalism, which leads to militarism); (j) each congregation is considered to be a “free” church (instead of having a hierarchical form of church government); (k) the “ban” (i.e shunning) is placed on those who have rejected the moral code of the church; (l) an imminent return of Jesus Christ is expected. Dress for men and women is to be modest, plain, and practical, so that clothing covers the majority of a person’s body. The modern-day proponents of Anabaptist theology are the following groups: the Mennonites, the Hutterites, the Amish, the Moravians, some Baptists, and the German Pietists.
Young Mennonite Men
Resources for Further Study:
Bainton, Roland H. The Reformation of the Sixteenth Century. Boston, MA: The Beacon Press, 1952.
Broderick, Robert C. The Catholic Encyclopedia. Revised Edition. Nashville, TN: Thomas Nelson Publishers, 1987.
Calvin, John. Treatises Against the Anabaptists and Against the Libertines. Benjamin W. Farley, ed. and trans. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Academic, 1982.
Douglas, J. D., ed. The New International Dictionary of the Christian Church. Revised Edition. Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan Publishing House, 1978.
“Anabaptists,” by Robert C. Clouse
“Baptists,” by Ernest F. Clipsham
“Blaurock, Georg,” by Robert D. Linder
“Grebel, Conrad,” by Peter Toon
“Hutterites,” by Ian Sellers
“John of Leyden,” by Dirk Jellema
“Manz, Felix,” by J. G. G. Norman
“Mennonites,” by J. C. Wenger
“Menno Simons,” by Dirk Jellema
“Philips, Dirk,” by Kenneth R. Davis
“Philips, Obbe,” by J. G. G. Norman
“Radical Reformation,” by Haddon Willmer
“Zwingli, Ulrich,” by Robert C. Walton
Douglas, J. D., ed. Who’s Who In Christian History. Wheaton, IL: Tyndale House Publishers, 1992.
Dowley, Tim, ed. The History of Christianity. Revised Edition. Oxford, UK: Lion Publishers, 1990.
Elwell, Walter A., ed. Evangelical Dictionary of Theology. Second Edition. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Book House, 2001.
“Baptist Tradition, The,” by E. F. Kevan
“Grebel, Conrad,” by J. C. Wenger
“Hubmaier, Balthasar,” by J. C. Wenger
“Mennonites,” by J. C. Wenger
“Menno Simons,” by J. C. Wenger
“Melchorites,” by J. C. Wenger
“Radical Reformation,” by J. D. Weaver
“Zwickau Prophets,” by J. D. Weaver
Estep, William R. The Anabaptist Story. Revised Edition. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdman’s Publishing Company, 1975.
George, Timothy. Theology of the Reformers. Revised Edition. Nashville, TN: B&H Publishing Group, 2013.
Hillerbrand, Hans J., ed. The Protestant Reformation. New York, NY: Harper and Row Publishers, 1968.
Houghton, S. M. Sketches from Church History. Carlisle, PA: The Banner of Truth Trust, 1980.
Mead, Frank S. Handbook of Denominations. 8th Edition. Nashville, TN: Abingdon Press, 1985.
Verduin, Leonard. The Reformers and Their Stepchildren. Grand Rapids, MI: WilliamB. Eerdman’s Publishing Company, 1964.
Wenger, John Christian, ed. The Complete Works of Menno Simons. Leonard Verduin, trans. Scottsdale, PA: Mennonite Publishing House, 1956.
Woodbridge, John D., ed. Great Leaders of the Christian Church, Chicago, IL: Moody Press, 1988.
Dr. Marcus J. Serven, ThM and DMin
Genevan Foundation – Copyright 2009 – All Rights Reserved
What was the overall impact of Calvin’s ministry; and did it bear good fruit? Calvin scholar and long-time pastor, Ronald S. Wallace, suggests a much wider achievement occurred for Calvin’s shepherding ministry than just within the walls of Geneva. Wallace asserts an influence with international scope that continues to this very day through the legacy of Calvin’s pastoral method and the prominence of his city. He perceptively writes,
Calvin’s influence in the sixteenth century however was due not only to his writing, counsel and teaching but also to what Geneva itself became under his influence. The perplexed pastor of today finds much of what is written by experts, and given as advice even at heart-warming church conferences, does not really fit into his own actual situation in the parish ministry. Calvin, however, instead of writing a “Utopia”, actually produced it in Geneva. He translated his ideas into ecclesiastical and even political institutions. He influenced the kind of individual people could meet as they went about the city. Geneva itself therefore became a fact of great importance. It attracted people. They sent their children so that they could come under the influence of the place. They came to believe it was possible for them to have something like it where they themselves lived and worked.
Ronald Wallace, Calvin, Geneva, and the Reformation, 43.
In this way we see the ongoing influence of Calvin as pastor and shepherd to the church of Jesus Christ. He demonstrated this legacy in three ways: first, by a city that was transformed by the gospel and that served as a beacon of righteousness for many centuries; second, by a church which established patterns for ministry that are still being imitated by churches today; and third, by a worldwide institution that became known in time as the Reformed church. Indeed, John Calvin was a faithful and successful pastor.
Dr. J. H. Merle D’Aubigne, distinguished Professor at the Evangelical Theological School, Geneva, Switzerland answers this important question in the following manner: “The Reformation is eminently distinguished from all the revolutions of antiquity, and from most of those of modern times. Political changes—the consolidation or the overthrow of the power of the one or of the many—were the object of the latter. The love of truth, of holiness, or immortality, was the simple yet mighty spring which set in motion that which I have to describe. It indicates a forward movement in human nature. In truth, man advances—he improves, whenever he aims at higher objects, and seeks for immaterial and imperishable blessings, instead of pursuing material, temporal, and earthly advantages. The Reformation is one of the brightest days of this glorious progress. It is a guarantee that the new struggle, which is receiving its accomplishment under our own eyes, will terminate on the side of truth, in a purer, more spiritual, and still nobler triumph.” (Merle D’Aubigne, History of the Reformation in the 16th Century, Preface, xviii)
Wallace, Ronald S. Calvin, Geneva, and the Reformation: A Study of Calvin as Social Worker, Churchman, Pastor and Theologian. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Book House, 1988. Edinburgh, UK: Scottish Academic Press, 1990. [310 pages]
Reviewed by Dr. Marcus J. Serven
The theological work of Rev. Dr. Ronald S. Wallace is best known from his two previous books: (1) Calvin’s Doctrine of Word and Sacrament (originally published in 1953, and reprinted in 1982), and (2) Calvin’s Doctrine of the Christian Life (his Ph.D. dissertation at the University of Edinburgh [no date], reprinted 1997). I was initially attracted to Wallace’s books by the fact that he served as a pastor in the Church of Scotland for twenty-seven years prior to taking up his responsibilities as a Professor. During this time of intense pastoral ministry he systematically engaged in scholarly research by writing the above books on Calvin’s theology and ministry, and pursued his doctoral degree. Eventually, he became a Professor at Columbia Theological Seminary, in Decatur, Georgia, where he taught theology and church history for fourteen years. Dr. Wallace died in 2006, having enjoyed a lengthy life of ninety-five years (1911-2006).
This current volume was originally published in 1988. It fulfills Dr. Wallace’s desire to write a biography on the life of John Calvin, but limits that larger project to a smaller scope. In essence, it is a study on Calvin’s pastoral theology; specifically his role as a social worker, churchman, pastor, and theologian. Wallace states,
For several years I read and collected material for a biographical work on Calvin. I discovered eventually, however, that I was engaged too much in parish work, and in other studies, to be able to master the complicated details of affairs in Geneva to the extent necessary for such a task. Since I was in the ministry myself, I was especially interested both in the kind of ministry which Calvin set himself to fulfill in his city Church (or Church-city), and in the way in which he actually succeeded in fulfilling it. This book therefore is an account, chiefly drawn from the material I collected, of Calvin’s ministry as a social reformer, churchman, and pastor in the sixteenth century. It cannot be called a “Life of Calvin”, but is, rather, a series of essays on his work and on the thought and devotion which he put into it.
Ronald Wallace, Calvin, Geneva, and the Reformation, Forward, vii
What do I like best about this book? Here is a faithful pastor-scholar (Ronald Wallace) writing sympathetically and wisely about the life and ministry of another faithful pastor-scholar (John Calvin). In my opinion, nothing could be better than this!
Following a brief introduction to the major issues and events of the sixteenth century, plus a review of Calvin’s call and early ministry, Dr. Wallace then launches into his four main topics. The book is, therefore, segmented into three sections which explicate the four major themes of his study: (Part 1) The Reformer and his City, (Part 2) Churchman and Pastor, and (Part 3) The Theologian.
Section one speaks of Calvin’s role as a “social worker.” The use of this term today garners images of one who unnecessarily meddles in people’s lives. Perhaps a more appropriate term for American readers would be “social reformer,” for in many ways that was exactly what Calvin set out to be. In this serious responsibility of cultural change, he earnestly sought the transformation of his entire city by the power of the gospel. Wallace describes Calvin’s approach in the following manner,
His program could be described as one of social sanctification rather than of social reconstruction. A transformation first had to be brought about in the personal lives of Geneva’s citizens. This was to be achieved chiefly by two means: through social discipline, and through the sacramental power of the Word of God.
Ronald Wallace, Calvin, Geneva, and the Reformation, 31
Specifically regarding the practice of the Lord’s Supper, Wallace identifies the primary reason why Calvin guarded it so jealously, and why in time it came to grip the people of Geneva so strongly. He argues,
It was a visible enactment of the mystery that Christ was theirs, and they were his. What was made visible by Christ at the Lord’s Table did not mock those present. The forgiveness, new life and power which each person present, therefore, received by faith through the sacrament could be come the most powerful force for the transformation of individual character, of social and family life within the city…He thus enforced his moral and social Gospel from the Lord’s Table.
Ronald Wallace, Calvin, Geneva, and the Reformation, 33-34
Yet, it seems evident that additional structures were needed to fully reform and regulate the unruly citizens of Geneva. Thus, upon his return to the troubled city on September 13, 1541, following his forced exile in Strasbourg, Calvin set out to perfect the ideas that were never fully implemented during his initial years in Geneva (1536-1538). He wrote a formal plan for civil and ecclesiastical reform which he called the Ecclesiastical Ordinances, which was approved by the City Council on November 20, 1541. He also established an organization of church and civil authorities who would uphold it.
Calvin now proposed, in his Ecclesiastical Ordinances (1541) that there should be set up in Geneva a court which could have authority and make judgment on such matters of Church discipline. It was to be called a Consistory…”The duty of the Consistory was to summon, admonish or excommunicate those who lives were regarded as incurring such censures.” (Wallace, Calvin, Geneva, and the Reformation, 35) In this endeavor of social reform, the Minister and the Magistrate worked together to uphold the laws of the city and to further the effect the reform. Wallace notes,
Calvin was emphatic that ecclesiastical discipline was not enough by itself to produce the healthy society. Social discipline for moral and religious ends enforced by the civil magistrate with civil legal sanctions was also required and had to be distinguished from Church discipline.
Ronald Wallace, Calvin, Geneva, and the Reformation, 36
John Calvin (1509-1564), Pastor to the people of Geneva
It would be easy for those looking back upon the reformation of 16th Century Geneva from the lofty position of their own century to be overly critical. For this reason, Calvin has often been accused of being the “dictator of Geneva” who delighted in controlling the lives of others. It must be remembered, however, that Calvin’s stated goal was to bring transformation to society. The light of the gospel had to drive the darkness of moral depravity out of the culture all together. This would mean that all forms of public drunkenness, prostitution, usury, gambling, and youthful promiscuity should be radically curtailed, and that all of this change would be for the benefit of the people. It was not a matter of controlling the lives of the “free citizens of Geneva,” as the Libertines later made it out to be. It was bringing the lives of the people of Geneva into conformity with the benefits of the gospel and the sanctions of biblical law. Wallace puts it this way,
His aim was also positive. The minutes of the consistory show only the negative side of the city discipline. Calvin’s program involved the active promotion of the good life by the exaltation of virtue. He encouraged the city fathers of Geneva not to become too absorbed with “law and order”. They were there to set up and maintain a good system of public education, to encourage wholesome culture, and to create, even by regulation, an environment for healthy social attitudes. He believed that good morals can be produced by good legislation and good social organization. His experiment proved in the long run that people who were carefully driven into living virtuously began to prefer virtue to vice.
Ronald Wallace, Calvin, Geneva, and the Reformation, 51
In summary, Calvin achieved his goal of social transformation by the following means: (1) through preaching and teaching the Word of God (twice every Lord’s Day and on several days throughout the week), (2) through the regular administration of the Lord’s Supper (in time this happened monthly), (3) through the regulating power of the Consistory (with weekly meetings on Thursday mornings), and (4) through the complementary and harmonious relationship that existed between the civil magistrates and the ecclesiastical authorities.
Section two of Wallace’s book deals with Calvin’s role as a Pastor and Churchman. Specifically, he set out to reform the church in such a way that it would not only uphold correct doctrine (orthodoxy), but it would also closely conform to biblical patterns of life (orthopraxy). This was a reconstruction project of the highest order.
Calvin thought of himself in relation to the Church as an architect of reconstruction. In the letter dedicating his Commentary on Isaiah to King Edward VI he described the state of the Church. It had become like the ruined temple of God, utterly deformed, having lost all the glory of the early centuries of its life. But God had begun to raise it up so that men might begin again to see the beauty and glory of the former outline, and Calvin describes himself as one of many inconsiderable persons selected by God “as architects to promote the work of pure doctrine”. In his important letter to the King of Poland, he refers again to his call to “buildup he Church now lying deformed among the ruins of Popery.”
Ronald Wallace, Calvin, Geneva, and the Reformation, 134
Calvin did not just promote his ideology on paper, but he actually implemented it in Geneva and demonstrated to others that his plan could work. He cared for the welfare of the people by visiting them in their own homes, and by training-up others who would share in this on-going responsibility (e.g. Ruling Elders and Deacons). Wallace says,
Moreover if he has a true pastoral concern for those to whom he is preaching he will seek not to fail to visit them in their homes. Calvin believed that Paul gave a pattern for the ministry of the Word when he spoke of how he did not cease to admonish both “publicly” and “from house to house”. “Whatever others may think,” Calvin wrote, “we do not regard our office as bound within so narrow limits that when the sermon is delivered we may rest as if our task was done. They whose blood will be required of us if lost through our slothfulness, are to be cared for much more closely and vigilantly.
Ronald Wallace, Calvin, Geneva, and the Reformation, 173
What of Calvin’s role as a Theologian? Much could be said, but it is important to note that Calvin did not pursue theology because he delighted in abstract thinking, biblical speculation, and dwelling on lofty subjects over and above the ordinary Christian. Instead, Wallace suggests a more personal motivation. He states,
Theology for Calvin, was always an affair of the heart. Christianity, he insisted “is a doctrine not of the tongue but of the life and is not apprehended merely by the intellect and memory, like other sciences, but is received only when it possesses the whole soul, and finds its seat and habitation in the innermost recesses of the heart” [Institutes 3:6:4].
Ronald Wallace, Calvin, Geneva, and the Reformation, 233
And again, Wallace perceptively declares,
Therefore the theological quest involves the theologian not simply in an effort to know about God but also in a growing desire for union and communion with God himself. Even as we meditate, for example, on the nature of the Trinity we are reminded by Calvin that God offers himself to our faith not only to be heard and tested, by to be contemplated, and we are urged to “look upon the one God, to unite with him, and to cleave to him” [Institutes 1:13:2, 1:13:16].
Ronald Wallace, Calvin, Geneva, and the Reformation, 234
Upon what did Calvin build his theology? He could have started with a scathing critique of all the medieval scholastic theologians and then moved on to what was wrong with the church in his time. Yet he does not fall into this purely negative approach. Rather, he consciously and purposefully bases his theology upon the Word of God. And from this unassailable foundation, he constructs a timeless pastoral methodology that is immune to philosophical speculation and the ever-changing trends of contemporary theology.
His theology was a theology of the Word of God. It can be argued that his contemporary influence was as much due to the circulation of his Commentaries as to the Institutes, which after all he regarded simply as a key to help people to know what to look for in the scriptures. His chief aim, therefore, as a theologian was simply to give a faithful and systematic account of what he himself had found there.
Ronald Wallace, Calvin, Geneva, and the Reformation, 222
Hence, I find that Dr. Ronald Wallace has very capably revealed Calvin’s role as a social worker, churchman, pastor, and theologian. He does this with numerous citations from the Institutes, the Commentaries, and the Letters. I appreciated his emphasis on Calvin’s pastoral ministry and his passion in presenting his research. I have read this book several times and continue to dip into it from time to time. In brief, I highly recommend it.
Subscript: This is the one book in all my reading on John Calvin’s role as a Pastor that deeply delves into the specifics of Calvin’s pastoral theology; and so, over the years it has been of immense interest and value to me. Inspired by Wallace’s perceptive book, I completed my own doctoral dissertation on Calvin’s pastoral theology at Covenant Theological Seminary (DMin, 2011). Several notable quotations from Wallace’s book find a prominent place in my dissertation, “Seeking the Old Paths: Towards a Recovery of John Calvin’s Pastoral Theology Amongst Reformed and Presbyterian Pastors Today.”
Wendel, Francois. Calvin: Origins and Development of His Religious Thought. Translated by Philip Mairet. Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1950. Reprint, Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Books, 1997. [383 pages]
Reviewed by Dr. Marcus J. Serven
This is the one book that everyone who writes on the subject of Calvin’s thought likes to quote from. Over the past twenty-five years I found myself regularly coming across footnotes referring to Wendel’s Calvin: Origins and Development of His Religious Thought. Since I do not read French—nor could I find an English edition at the theological bookstores I frequented—it became a personal quest to find a copy of Wendel’s book in English. Perhaps, the academic attraction to this book is due to Wendel’s European credentials. He served as the Dean of the Protestant Faculty of Theology at Strasbourg for many years during the last century. In that capacity he developed into one of the foremost European scholars on the history and literature of the Reformation. This present volume is the capstone of his efforts. At any rate, my joy knew no bounds when I received a book catalogue in the fall of 1996 advertising an English edition to be published by Baker Books. I immediately ordered the book at its pre-publication price. Finally, after waiting for three months the much wanted book arrived in the mail! I grabbed my coat and went down to my favorite coffee shop and dove right into the book. I was not disappointed, as Wendel sparkles in his academic expertise on all things related to Calvin and in his easy to read prose.
The book divides neatly into two parts: (1) a one-hundred and seven page biographical outline of Calvin’s life; and (2) a two-hundred and fifty-two page investigation of his central theological doctrines (based upon the Institutes, Calvin’s Commentaries, Calvin’s Sermons, Calvin’s Letters, and the writings of other Reformation personalities such as Theodore Beza, Martin Bucer, Martin Luther, and Phillip Melanchthon,). Professor Wendel has a wonderful grasp of the secondary literature and gives numerous citations from past and current Calvin scholars.
Calvin as a young man
Two particular questions that I have always wondered about were these: (1) “How exactly did the Institutes of the Christian Religion come about?”, and (2) “Why did the Institutes develop and grow over time through its successive editions?” Wendel gives a whole stream of answers to the second of these two questions, plus he thoroughly answers a variation of the first question by considering “What were Calvin’s sources for the Institutes?” The Bible was certainly Calvin’s primary source, as the Institutes absolutely brims with biblical citations wherein Calvin demonstrates his comprehensive understanding of its most significant doctrines. Beyond that, references from the secular Greek philosophers such as: Plato, Aristotle, Seneca, Themistius, and Cicero abound. Also, quotations and allusions from the early Church Fathers: Chrysostom, Cyril, Origin, Tertullian, Irenaeus, Athanasius, Eusebius, and Augustine; and well-known medieval theologians such as: Anselm, Lombard, Bernard of Clairvaux, Aquinas, Duns Scotus, and Ockham are also clearly evident. At the time Luther’s pamphlets were readily available, as well as his Larger and Shorter Catechisms. Moreover, Phillip Melanchthon’s work of dogmatics, Loci Communes, had been in print since 1521, with a new edition appearing in 1535. Undoubtedly Calvin profited from reading these materials and wrestling with their central theses, yet he also saw the urgent need for a fresh treatment of the basic theological beliefs of the Reformation.
Here is my own well-worn copy of Calvin’s masterwork: The Institutes of the Christian Religion (1559) plus a fine devotional volume by Dr. David Calhoun expounding it.
From early November 1533, once he became a fugitive, Calvin evidently had time to reflect upon the necessity of producing a book that would thoroughly explain the doctrines of the Evangelical movement. Perhaps, he laid the initial foundations for this project in his mind while riding on his horse and seeking a place of refuge. Or, perhaps the motivating event was that he heard a report about the “Affair of the Placards” and the subsequent martyrdom of many of his personal friends in Paris (October 17-18, 1534). Surely, he was strongly motivated not only by his own suffering, but also the gruesome deaths of those whom he knew and loved. It is with the last thought in mind that Calvin resolved to address his Preface to King Francis 1st in the hope that he might persuade the French King to a more moderate attitude towards the Protestant cause. In this Preface he demonstrated his skills as a well-trained lawyer, through careful argumentation, and as an articulate and convinced theologian, through his passionate defense of biblical orthodoxy. At some point, likely in January of 1535, Calvin determined that he should be the one to actually produce the Institutes. Most of Calvin’s biographers look to Louis du Tillet’s library in Angouleme, France as the place of genesis. It was there, apparently, during the winter months that Calvin began outlining the Institutes of the Christian Religion, conducting his research, and writing his initial drafts. In this sense, this library became Calvin’s “Wartburg”. One year later, in January of 1536 we find Calvin dwelling in Basle with Oswald Myconius where he completed his “little book” and finally submitted it for publication. About this first edition Wendel states,
The first edition of the Institutes of the Christian Religion was published in March 1536 by the Basle printers Thomas Platter and Balthasar Lasius. This was in one volume of 516 pages of small format, such as could be easily slipped into the vast pockets of the clothes then worn. The work at that time consisted of six chapters: the first four were devoted to the Law, the Creed, the Lord’s Prayer, and the sacraments of baptism and the Lord’s Supper—which was the classic order of Luther’s Catechisms. And the work was, in fact, conceived as a catechism; that is what the publishers and Calvin himself called it. A fifth and a sixth chapter, one dealing with false Sacraments and the other with the liberty of the Christian, were inspired by the special reasons which had also given birth to the ‘Epistle to the King’ printed at the head of the work.
Francois Wendel, Calvin, 112
The success of this first publication of the Institutes must have been considerable, for we learn that the copies of this first edition were completely exhausted in less than a year after it had appeared. This is all the more noteworthy of consideration since the book was written in Latin, and its appeal was therefore limited to a relatively small cultured public who could read Latin. Later editions, in both Latin and French, are fully chronicled by Wendel with all the salient details of their publication. Finally, of course, Calvin is able to produce the penultimate Latin edition of 1559 and the French edition of 1560. Wendel notes,
Yet whatever its defects, this edition of the 1559-1560 remains monumental work; truly a theological summa of Reformed Protestantism. Even in Calvin’s lifetime its success was immense, and it was never discredited afterwards. It was indubitably one of the causes of the very rapid rise of a Calvinist orthodoxy, strictly adherent to the formulas of the Institutes, which even the later controversies have only with difficulty managed to modify.
Francois Wendel, Calvin, 122
On the lasting influence of those ultimate editions, Wendel favorably quotes the opinion of Imbart de La Tour who published his own study on Calvin in 1935,
The whole of Calvinism is in the Institutes—a work of capital importance, the work most valued by Calvin, who spent all his life revising and reshaping as well as enriching it. All his other works—commentaries, controversies, smaller dogmatic or moral treatises—are related to it like advanced redoubts meant to defend the heart against the enemy.
Imbart de La Tour, Calvin et l’Institution Cretienne, 55; quoted by Francois Wendel, Calvin, 111
In conclusion, I believe that Wendel’s volume, Calvin: Origins and Development of His Religious Thought, is one of the most significant Calvin studies of the past century. It may in time be surpassed by Derek Thomas and John Tweeddale’s penetrating and comprehensive volume, John Calvin: For A New Reformation (2019); but only time will tell if that becomes true. In the meantime, though, I sincerely expect that I will return to Wendel’s book many times over to consider the constituent elements of the Institutes, and to dive deep into a cogent analysis of Calvin’s thought. Now I know why everyone likes to quote from this book; it is simply a goldmine of material on Calvin and the development of his thinking.
I am most grateful that Baker Books chose to reprint the English edition of Wendel’s book in 1996. Reading it laid the foundation for my own doctoral work on Calvin’ pastoral theology that I would commence ten years later in 2006. Wendel’s Calvin: Origins and Development of His Religious Thought reveals much about the Reformer that would be very difficult to discover apart from the exhaustive research contained in this noteworthy volume. In summary, I say “Bravo!” for a superlative study on Calvin and his theological development.
Van Til, Henry R. The Calvinistic Concept of Culture. Second Edition. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Books, 1959. Forward by Richard J. Mouw, 2001. [245 pages]
Reviewed by Dr. Marcus J. Serven
I have wanted to read this particular book for a very long time, but never made it a priority to do so. Having now carefully read it through, I can see that this is a very deep volume that represents Henry R. Van Til’s entire life work. It certainly bears reading a second time, and perhaps even a third time, to fully comprehend its message. The concepts that are presented on cultural transformation from Augustine (The City of God), Calvin (Institutes of the Christian Religion), and Kuyper (Lectures on Calvinism) follow in a straight line; with each man’s thoughts neatly building upon the others. However, when Van Til includes the blistering critique of Klaas Schilder (Wat is de Hemel) against the central theme of God’s common grace (i.e. Kuyper); it is a strategy that leaves me thoroughly puzzled. I believe that this juxtaposition of views on common grace weakens the overall progress of the book and its conclusion. In my opinion, Schilder’s critique should have been left out entirely, or positioned in some other manner.
Nevertheless, despite this flaw (and I do not believe it is a fatal flaw), The Calvinistic Concept of Culture retains its place as one of the seminal books of the twentieth century to set forth a theology of culture. It should surely be read alongside other similar books, some of which do not share Van Til’s conservative biblical theology, such as: Jacque Ellul’s Meaning of the City, H. Richard Neibuhr’s Christ and Culture, and Paul Tillich’s Theology of Culture. There are, of course, several contemporary evangelical authors who embrace Van Til’s conservative biblical theology that could also be read with profit on this subject, such as: D. A. Carson’s Christ and Culture Revisited; Charles Kraft’s Christianity in Culture; Francis Schaeffer’s How should We Then Live?; and David F. Well’s penetrating four volume analysis and critique of the modern church: (1) No Place for Truth or Whatever Happened to Evangelical Theology? [1993], (2) God in the Wasteland: The Reality of Truth in a World of Fading Dreams [1994], (3) Losing Our Virtue: Why the Church Must Recover Its Moral Vision [1998], and (4) Above All Earthly Powers: Christ in a Postmodern World [2005]). Beyond this, William A. Dyrness has written a very helpful introductory article on “Christianity and Culture” in the Evangelical Dictionary of Theology, 2nd Edition (Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Books, 2001). This fine article helped me to get my bearings on this complex subject.
Professor Henry R. Van Til
It should be stated first off, that the author of The Calvinistic Concept of Culture was Calvin College Professor, Henry R. Van Til (Th.M. degree from Westminster), the nephew of the better-known Dr. Cornelius Van Til (Professor of Apologetics at Westminster Theological Seminary). Professor Henry R. Van Til died suddenly in 1961 at the age of 55 (1906-1961). This was his first and only book, which was distilled from his extensive class notes, and written while on sabbatical. Throughout, Van Til gives a large number of illustrations showing the positive historical impact of Calvinism. He also illuminates the underlying presuppositions that motivate the Calvinist to influence this fallen world with the gospel: (1) our need to obey the creation mandate (Genesis 1:27), (2) our need to fulfill the cultural mandate (Genesis 1:28; Matthew 28:18-20), and (3) our need to claim all things for our reigning King, the Lord Jesus Christ (1 Corinthians 10:31; Colossians 1:15-20, 3:17).
Dr. Richard J. Mouw, formerly President of Fuller Theological Seminary, writes an insightful Forward which reveals, in summary, the major points of Van Til’s thesis. Mouw introduces the subject of cultural transformation in this way,
In a world distorted by sin, redeemed people must seek to bring all areas of human life into conformity with the Lord of creation. The mandate is all-inclusive. As Abraham Kuyper—whose influences looms large in this book—once declared, “There is not a square inch in the whole domain of our human existence over which Christ, who is sovereign over all, does not cry ‘Mine!’” And the Lord who claims all culture as part of his kingdom also calls his redeemed people to show forth his divine rule in the patterns in their cultural involvement. Here the standard Calvinistic discussion of divine cultural election is extended to emphasize the point of that election: believers who have been elected by sovereign grace are thereby called to participate in the life of a redeemed community of believers who together must find ways of bearing witness to the sovereign rule of God over all things.
Richard Mouw, Forward, x
Van Til’s book is laid out as follows,
The theological meta-narrative of The Calvinistic Concept of Culture is about subsequent Christian thinkers who have, in Van Til’s telling of the tale, best described the profound implications of this biblical plot for the understanding culture: Augustine, Calvin, and Dutch Reformed “neo-Calvinists” of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries…Van Til chooses to focus on two prominent Dutch thinkers—Abraham Kuyper and Klaas Schilder—devoting a chapter to each of them.
Richard Mouw, Forward, xi
The two following questions are central to this book: (1) “What is the definition of the word culture?”, and (2) “What is the relationship of culture to religion?” Van Til defines “culture” with the following definition,
The term “culture” has meant many things to many people. In this book I use the term to designate that activity of man, the image-bearer of God, by which he fulfills the creation mandate to cultivate the earth, to have dominion over it and to subdue it. The term is also applied to the result of such activity, namely, the secondary environment which has been superimposed upon nature by man’s creative effort. Culture, then, is not a peripheral concern, but of the very essence of life. It is an expression of man’s essential being as created in the image of God, and since man is essentially a religious being, it is expressive of his relationship to God, that is, of his religion…My thesis, then, is that Calvinism furnishes us with the only theology of culture that is truly relevant for the world in which we live, because it is the true theology of the Word.
Henry Van Til, Preface, xvii
This very fine definition brings up some salient points: (1) it roots all human culture in the truth that we are creatures made by God, (2) as creatures, we must be in right a relationship with our Creator, and that is only accomplished through faith in Jesus Christ, the Father’s eternal Son, and finally, (3) all human culture is a reflection of our covenantal relationship with God (i.e. our religion) and the blessings of God’s common grace shown to all of his creatures. Van Til would describe religion with the following words,
Religion is the inescapable covenantal relationship between God as Lord and his image-bearer, man. This relation follows from that other basic one of Creator and creature, and rests upon the faithfulness of God to the covenant which he ordained as constituting the religious relationship. This relationship extends to the whole of life; it is all-permeating; it radiates from its center in the heart out to every area on the periphery of man’s existence.
Henry Van Til, The Calvinistic Concept of Culture, 37
The covenantal aspects of our relationship with God are inescapable. All human beings alike are held to the overarching “Covenant of Life” (i.e. required obedience to God’s Law under penalty of death), and Christians are called to live out their faith in this fallen world as representatives of God’s Gospel (cf. 2 Corinthians 5:16-21). They are to be light in the midst of darkness (cf. Matthew 5:14-16). In this respect it would normative for members of Christ’s Church to live in such a way that darkness is driven from culture by the progress of the gospel. Van Til summarizes his central thesis with his oft-quoted phrase, “Culture…is religion externalized.” Just to be factual, though, it is necessary to quote the whole sentence,
But basically the antithesis is just as absolute in culture as it is in the sphere of religion, for culture is simply the service of God in our lives; it is religion externalized.
Henry Van Til, The Calvinistic Concept of Culture, 200
Van Til puts forward the life and ministry of Augustine of Hippo (A.D. 354-430) as an example of one who set out to transform fallen culture with the gospel. He states,
In short, Augustine is not a cultural optimist, who believes in culture as such, to redeem man and society. Neither is he a cultural pessimist in the Tertullian sense of condemning every form of culture simply because of its pagan origin and association. Augustine believes that the achievements of cultural striving must be permeated and transformed by Christian principles so that we develop a truly God-fearing and God-glorifying culture instead of the corrupt, God-defying culture of the world (civitas terrena).
Henry Van Til, The Calvinistic Concept of Culture, 67-68
Just what are the areas of life that might be influenced by the gospel? Or, stated in other words, where should the Christian seek to exercise “sphere-sovereignty”? There are many areas, but let one example, in particular, serve as an application of Van Til’s thesis of cultural transformation; and that is the area of music. Music is a medium that seems to transcend all cultural differences and times. In this “sphere” the sovereignty of God must also be brought to bear. Van Til powerfully contends,
Music is the foremost of the arts in its adaptability to worship. The object of music is God and his creation. The glory of God and the elevation of man are its goal, and the inspiring Psalms are its means. Since it is the goodness of God emanating through the universe that makes men sing, God ought to be the center of man’s thoughts and feelings when he sings. Seriousness, harmony, and joy must characterize our songs to God. And, although Calvin does not reject the use of hymns, he prefers to use the Psalms of David in public worship. Song is the unlimited reservoir of power, since it moves our hearts to call upon the name of God more earnestly. By it we are strong in temptation and in the face of persecution (witness the Huguenots and many martyrs who went to the stake singing), and it renews the soul. By singing the church is builded (sic) and its members united in the holy bond of love. Calvin did not condemn secular music, namely, that which had the creation of God as its object, out of hand. But the secular may not be godless; it must serve to glorify God indirectly through our joy and elevation. Therefore, music that degrades, that corrupts good manners, that flatters the flesh, must be rejected. For music has a secret and incredible power to move the hearts. When evil words are accompanied by music, they penetrate more deeply and the poison enters as wine through a funnel into the vat.
Henry Van Til, The Calvinistic Concept of Culture, 110-111
The Genevan Psalter (1562)
Thus, John Calvin (1509-1564) endeavored to promote godly music in Geneva that would build-up the culture rather than tear it down. He encouraged the singing of Psalms from the Bible in the worship service and around the family table. These were to be sung without instrumentation to metered-tunes that were easily learned. An initial version of the Psalter was published in Strasbourg (1539), and this was followed by numerous editions and perfections to the Psalter published in Geneva. The Psalter was a powerful tool of cultural transformation and cultural domination. Later psalm-singing developed from only singing the melody into four-part harmony (Soprano, Alto, Tenor, and Bass). That perfection became the mainstay of the Dutch Reformed Christians, the Scottish Covenanters, and the English and American Puritans. Van Til explains,
Calvin has been called the father of the Psalter. Before him the French Reformed churches knew no congregational singing. In 1537 Calvin had already proposed the introduction of congregational singing in Geneva, in order to stir up the cold hearts to prayer and to move them to praise. However, the first edition of the Psalter appears in Strasbourg in 1539, where Calvin was in exile. It contained his own metrical version of the Psalms of Strasbourg. Later Calvin eliminated his own poetry and took Marot’s version of the Psalms, while the tunes were either composed or arranged by Bourgeois and published in 1562. This version of the Psalter enjoyed twenty-five editions the year of its publication and a total of 1,400 editions.
Henry Van Til, The Calvinistic Concept of Culture, 111
To further apply this thinking of “sphere-sovereignty” to cultural transformation, Van Til explains Kuypers’ determination to establish parallel institutions that would clearly show the antithesis to those secular institutions. Van Til states,
The regenerated man must live Pro Rege, for the King, in every cultural activity, in every societal relationship, and every communal organization. Marriage, the family, the educational institutions, the state, and society as a whole must be organized along Christian principles…This has been called the organizational antithesis. Kuyper was convinced that there was no other way for the Christian to work and witness successfully in society than through separate organizations. He goes so far as to call this the third instrument, next to church and school, by which Christ maintains his hegemony in society.
Henry Van Til, The Calvinistic Concept of Culture, 131
Today, some Christians would object to Kuyper’s aggressive strategy, and would assert their desire to remain neutral rather than to inflame the opposition by being overly aggressive. Van Til strongly argues that neutrality is impossible; for what do light and darkness have in common? He contends,
Scripture allows no neutrality with respect to the claims of God and of his Christ. For the affirmation of neutrality assumes that the subject is independent of God to the point that he can safely, with impunity, disregard the claims of the Lord. This the Bible will not allow. No man has the right to ignore God; in fact, God is the ever-present, inescapable Presence that no man can ignore. Therefore, the neutrality concept of the world is a form of denial; it says in effect, “God, stay away from my door; I can get along well enough on my own.” This is the philosophy of Esau, a profane person. Neutrality is profanity, it is godliness, it constitutes the secular mind, which tries to make of religion a thing apart from life. But this is blasphemy!
Henry Van Til, The Calvinistic Concept of Culture, 201
The final analysis provided by Van Til is that cultural engagement and transformation is the duty of the Christian. Whereas, there may be subtle refinements to this theology of culture, as proposed by Schilder and others, it is nonetheless the responsibility of Christians everywhere to live as light in this dark world. We are called to retake the ground that has been too easily surrendered to the enemy. We are to do this by living a life of antithesis and cultural engagement.
Thus, it is a privilege to commend The Calvinistic Concept of Culture to a new generation of thoughtful reading Christians who wish to implement the imperatives of the gospel in this fallen world. There will certainly be opposition, both from without and within, but this does not diminish our call to be salt and light. And so, we are to live Pro Rege (for the King) and Coram Deo (before the face of God). May it be so.
Pastor John Robinson Prays for the Pilgrims as they Embark for the New World
Written by Dr. Marcus J. Serven
“Blessed are the people whose God is the LORD!” Psalm 144:15
“He provides food for those who fear him; he remembers his covenant forever.” Psalm 111:5
During the cool weeks of November that lead up to Thanksgiving Day there is great delight in many American homes when the exciting stories of the Pilgrims are read. Who were these people and what motivated them to endure such grievous hardships? The Pilgrims were Separatist Christians originating from the farmland around Scrooby in northern England. Because of their sincere desire to regulate their worship and lives by the Bible alone they experienced persecution and imprisonment during the reign of King James. At the direction of their pastor, Rev. Richard Clifton, they determined to flee England in search of religious freedom. They finally succeeded in 1609 after several failed attempts. The Pilgrims were also accompanied by Rev. John Robinson, their teacher, and Elder William Brewster. The Pilgrims initially settled in Amsterdam, Holland. But found it difficult to remain there and moved to Leyden where they lived for ten years.
When the explorations of Henry Hudson and John Smith became widely known, the Pilgrims determined to attempt the dangerous journey to the New World. They sincerely believed that they could better protect their children from worldly influences, preserve their English ways, and worship God in the manner they saw fit in the wilderness than in Holland. A mixed colony of Saints (Pilgrims) and Strangers (fellow-Englishmen) was formed under the auspices of the “Merchant Adventurers” of London. Terms were negotiated and signed, and the expedition set off in two ships. The Speedwell quickly proved to be less than seaworthy and the Pilgrims were forced sell it, reducing their numbers. They pressed as many passengers as possible into the “between deck” of the Mayflower.
The Mayflower II a faithful replica of the original Mayflower
After a lengthy and arduous voyage across the stormy Atlantic they reached the New World much farther north than they had intended. Instead of the fertile shores of “Northern Virginia” they landed on the rocky barren coast of Cape Cod in New England. Since they were beyond the immediate jurisdiction of the Virginia Colony they determined to draft governing principles to better order their own settlement and solemnly composed the Mayflower Compact. All of the Saints signed, but not all of the Strangers.
In the name of God, Amen. We whose names are underwritten, the loyal subjects of our dread sovereign lord, King James, by the grace of God, of Great Britain, France and Ireland, King, Defender of the Faith, etc. having undertaken for the glory of God, and advancement of the Christian faith, and honor of our king and country, a voyage to plant the first colony in the northern parts of Virginia, do by these presents solemnly and mutually in the presence of God, and of one another, covenant and combine ourselves into a civil body politic, for our better ordering and preservation, and the furtherance of the ends aforesaid and by virtue hereof to enact, constitute, and frame, such just and equal laws, ordinances, acts, constitutions, and offices, from time to time, as shall be thought most meet and convenient for the general use of the Colony, unto which we promise all due submission and obedience. In witness whereof we have here underscribed our names at Cape Cod, 11th of November, in the year of the reign of our sovereign lord, King James of England, France and Ireland the eighteenth, and of Scotland the fifty-fourth. A.D. 1620
William Bradford, Of Plymouth Plantation, 1651
Arriving at Plymouth Rock
Once they had landed, they immediately set off to replenish their food and water supplies. The Lord providentially led them to mounds of corn buried by local Indians; which they left payment for. They also sailed further west and found Plymouth Bay where they landed on December 21, 1620 at Plymouth Rock. Here they steadfastly carved their colony out of a hostile wilderness by erecting a squat common house for defense atop the nearest hill and a short row of small rustic cabins in which several families lived. This was not a comfortable English hamlet, but the Pilgrims insisted that, “It is not with us as with other men whom small things can discourage, or small discontentments cause (us) to wish (ourselves) at home again.” These people were made of sterner stuff! The first winter was exceedingly difficult for the Pilgrims. Out of 102 settlers roughly one half died from sickness before those disease-ridden months were completely over. The dead were quietly buried at night in unmarked graves so that the local Indians could not see how small their company had actually become.
Having survived the winter, the following March they were visited by the Indian, Samoset. When he entered their tiny village he cried out in English “Welcome Englishmen! Do you have any beer?” The settlers were astonished to be greeted by an English-speaking Indian! Later, Samoset told them about his friend Squanto who spoke even better English. Squanto was clearly God’s gift to the Pilgrims. Governor William Bradford later referred to him as, “a special instrument sent of God for their good, beyond their expectation.” Squanto showed them how to raise corn, catch fish in the sea, and tread-out freshwater eels in the mudflats. Most importantly, he showed them how to survive the rigors of the American wilderness. With Squanto’s help the Pilgrims were able to negotiate a lasting peace with Massasoit, the local Indian chief, which lasted for over fifty years. The first Thanksgiving Day feast took place in November, 1621 after the Pilgrims brought in a substantial harvest. The Wampanoag tribe who had helped them so kindly was also welcomed to their burgeoning table. Edward Winslow, the assistant to Governor William Bradford, wrote about that special day in his brief history of Plymouth Colony, Mourt’s Relation. He described the scene this way,
Our harvest being gotten in, our governor sent four men on fowling, so that we might after a special manner rejoice together after we had gathered the fruit of our labors. They four in one day killed as much fowl as, with a little outside help beside, served the company almost a week. At which time, amongst other recreations, we exercised our arms, many of the Indians coming amongst us, and among the rest their great king Massasoit, with some ninety men, whom for three days we entertained and feasted, and they went out and killed five deer, which they brought to the plantation and bestowed on our governor, and upon the captain and others. And although it be not always so plentiful as it was at this time with us, yet by the goodness of God, we are so far from want that we often wish you partakers of our plenty.
Edward Winslow, Mourt’s Relation, 72
Elder Brewster leading the Pilgrims in prayer at the 1st Thanksgiving Feast
Indeed, there was so much to thank God for! The Pilgrims sought a land where they could preserve their English culture and live as freemen; where they could raise their children free from worldly influences; and where they could worship God without hinderance in the manner they saw fit. Through great hardship they came to experience the reality of the Lord’s abundant promises: “He provides food for those who fear him; he remembers his covenant forever.” Psalm 111:5
Resources for Further Study:
Beale, David. The Mayflower Pilgrims: Roots of Puritan, Presbyterian, Congregationalist, and Baptist Heritage. Greenville, SC: Ambassador-Emerald International, 2000.
Bradford, William. Of Plymouth Plantation (1620-1647). Samuel Eliot Morison, ed. New York, NY: Alfred A. Knopf, 2006.
Brown, John. The Pilgrim Fathers of New England and their Puritan Successors. London, England: The Religious Tract Society, 1895.
Foster, Marshall, and Swanson, Mary-Elaine. The American Covenant: The Untold Story. Revised Edition. Santa Barbara, CA: Co-published by The Foundation for Christian Self-Government (1981) and the Mayflower Institute (1983).
Fiore, Jordan D., ed. Mourt’s Relation: A Journal of the Pilgrims at Plymouth. Reprint, Plymouth, MA: Plymouth Rock Foundation, 1985.
Gragg, Rod. The Pilgrim Chronicles: An Eyewitness History of the Pilgrims and the Founding of Plymouth Colony. Washington, DC: Regnery Publishing, 2014.
Jehle, Dr. Paul. Plymouth in the Words of Her Founders. San Antonio, TX: Vision Forum, 2002.
Willison, George F. Saints and Strangers. New York, NY: Reynal & Hitchcock, 1945.
Books to Read Out Loud to Children:
Bulla, Clyde Robert. Squanto: Friend of the Pilgrims. New York, NY: Scholastic, Inc. 1954.
Carpenter, Edmund J. The Mayflower Pilgrims. Arlington Heights, IL: Christian Liberty Press, n.d.
Daugherty, James. The Landing of the Pilgrims. New York, NY: Random House, Landmark Books, 1950.
Foster, Marshall, and Swanson, Mary-Elaine. The American Covenant: The Untold Story. Revised Edition. Santa Barbara, CA: Co-published by The Foundation for Christian Self-Government (1981) and The Mayflower Institute (1983).
Pumphrey, Margaret B. Stories of the Pilgrims. New York, NY: Rand McNally & Company, 1912; Reprint, Corvallis, OR: Creation’s Child, 1986.
Otis, James. Mary of Plymouth. Reprint, Bulverde, TX: Mantle Ministries, 1999.
Dr. Marcus J. Serven, ThM and DMin
The Genevan Foundation – Copyright 2020 – All Rights Reserved
“As for you, you meant evil against me, but God meant it for good, to bring it about that many people should be kept alive, as they are today.” Genesis 50:20
Squanto was an American Indian of the Patuxant tribe who significantly helped the Pilgrims during the first two years of their settlement in New England. Without the timely help of Squanto (or Tisquantum), it is doubtful whether the frail Pilgrim settlement at Plymouth would have survived the second winter. The deep personal friendship between Squanto and the Pilgrims is noteworthy, in that from the first day that he met them he never left them. How was it possible that an English-speaking, God-fearing, lonely-hearted Indian would emerge out of the dense forests of New England to assist the starving Pilgrims? Here are the fascinating details of Squanto’s story.
Tisquantum
Fifteen years prior to the arrival of the Pilgrims (AD 1605), Squanto, along with four other Indians, was kidnapped by an English mariner, Captain George Weymouth, and taken to England to impress his financial backers. He was given to Sir Fernando Gorges who later became a major investor in the Plymouth Company. While living with Sir Fernando Gorges, Squanto was favorably exposed to English ways, the English language, and the Christian gospel. Nine years later, in 1614, he returned to New England as part of an exploratory expedition led by Captain John Smith who used Squanto as an interpreter. When Smith departed Squanto was assigned to Captain Thomas Hunt. Dominated by avarice and greed, Hunt deceitfully lured many Indians aboard his ship and Squanto was kidnapped once again! All of these unfortunate captives were sold at the slave market in Malaga, Spain. But in God’s good providence, Squanto was purchased by some benevolent monks who eventually released him so that he could return home to the New World. He determined to make his way to England, which was familiar to him, and after successfully doing so he worked for several more years as a domestic servant for a wealthy merchant and ship-builder, Master John Slaney. Squanto made one journey to Newfoundland, but was not able to reach his village in Patuxant (the exact circumstances of this journey are a bit unclear). In time, though, he was able to secure another passage to America with a friendly sea captain, Thomas Dermer, who set him off in New England just six months (Spring, 1620) before the Mayflower dropped anchor in Plymouth Bay (December 19, 1620).
Samuel de Champlain’s Map of Plymouth Harbor
Once Squanto returned to his own land, he found to his dismay that all of his tribe had been killed by a mysterious and unstoppable plague. No one from his entire village remained alive, so that Squanto became known amongst the other Indian tribes as “the last Patuxant.” Lonely and forlorn, he sought refuge amongst the Wampanoags, a nearby Indian tribe led by Chief Massasoit. He also became friendly with another Indian who served as a guide to the English by the name of Samoset. When the Pilgrims finally landed after a very rough sea voyage in December 1620, they unwittingly established their colony near, or perhaps on, the same site as Squanto’s Indian village. This unknown fact protected the Pilgrims from hostile and superstitious Indians who would not come near the former village of the unfortunate Patuxant tribe. The pioneering Pilgrims quickly erected a sturdy squat common house for defense on the top of the nearest hill, and a short row of small rustic cabins in which several crowded families lived. This was not a comfortable country hamlet, but the Pilgrims insisted that, “It is not with us as with other men whom small things can discourage, or small discontentments cause (us) to wish (ourselves) at home again.” These people were made of sterner stuff!
A replica of the Plymouth Plantation
The first winter was an exceedingly difficult time for the Pilgrims. Out of the 102 initial settlers, roughly one half died from sickness before those disease-ridden months were completely over. The dead were buried at night in unmarked graves so that any Indians lurking in the forests would not see how small their company had actually become. If it were not for the enduring presence of the Mayflower with its extra supplies and the sacrificial efforts of several of the more stout Pilgrims in caring for the sick, the number of dead would surely have been greater. But the winter finally gave way to the spring and having survived their snowy ordeal, the Pilgrims launched into the planting season with hopeful optimism. The barren rocky soil in Plymouth, however, proved to be very different from the productive fields of England and the fertile gardens of Holland. Beyond that, much of the seed for planting had been consumed during the desperate days of winter. Some additional “means” would have to be found to bring about a successful crop. The “means” that God provided was not a newly arrived ship crammed with fresh supplies, but a lonely Indian brave who longed to find a new home, a new family, and a new purpose for his life.
Squanto teaching the Pilgrims how to plant beans and maize
Squanto made his appearance in the rough-hewn village of Plymouth at the encouragement of his friend Samoset. It was said of Squanto that he knew the King’s English and the streets of London far better than his Pilgrim friends. He also knew all of the Indian ways that would be such a great help to the Pilgrims in their desperate hour. At just the right time God brought this unexpected deliverer upon the scene. Immediately, Squanto started educating the Pilgrims about how to fish, fertilize and plant corn, catch freshwater eels with their bare hands, and store food Indian-style. His most important role was in serving as an interpreter for the English in negotiating a pact of non-aggression and mutual defense with Chief Massasoit of the Wampanoags. Without the timely provision of Squanto’s assistance it is doubtful that such a permanent peace could have been negotiated. This peace treaty remained in effect for over fifty years. He was called by the Indians “the tongue of the Englishmen.” But, Governor William Bradford affectionately referred to him as, “a special instrument sent of God for their good, beyond their expectation.” Squanto had in God’s providence not only discovered a new home for himself built upon the ruins of his old village, but he had also adopted the Pilgrims as a replacement for his deceased Indian family.
It would be a complete mischaracterization to portray Squanto as one who never had any further troubles in his brief life. He struggled with a deep-seated jealousy when Hobomok, an official representative of Chief Massasoit, came to live in Plymouth. Evidently, Squanto enjoyed having a special relationship with the Pilgrims and was reluctant to share this unique privilege with others. Even the level-headed Massasoit grew irritated and angry with Squanto’s intrigues at one point and demanded his death. Yet, Governor Bradford’s urgent intercession for him prevented this rash deed from being carried out. Squanto also sought to gain an unhealthy advantage over his fellow Indians by asserting that the Pilgrims kept the “dreaded plague” under a loose plank in the floor of the common house. It was intimated that he could command them to cast it upon those whom he disliked. Thus he gained an elevated position amongst the local Indians for a short time, but in the end all of these ill-conceived schemes back-fired upon him and he was discovered as a fraud.
Squanto helped the Pilgrims establish a pact of non-aggression with Chief Massasoit
It must be remembered that over-all Squanto was well-liked within the colony at Plymouth and proved to be a trusted and faithful friend to the Pilgrims throughout his entire life. Moreover, Squanto generously helped the Pilgrims in a sacrificial manner when they were most needy and destitute. Here was a man who truly laid down his life on behalf of his friends (John 15:13). What the wicked English sea captain meant for evil, God used for good, so that Squanto actually became a deliverer to the Pilgrims in their time of trouble (cf. Genesis 50:20). For without the assistance of Squanto, there very likely would have been no day of thanksgiving in November 1621 because there would have been too little food to warrant having a harvest celebration. Though, in God’s good providence there was an abundance of food and the celebration that became known as Thanksgiving took place. In the end, Squanto lived out the remainder of his life with the Pilgrims in Governor Bradford’s own home in the very center of Plymouth. He was a welcome member of the extended Bradford family all his days. His demise came rather unexpectedly while Squanto and others were on a necessary food-buying mission to the Indian tribes of Cape Cod during the winter of 1622. He endured a short bout with “Indian fever” and finally gave way to serious illness following a few days of suffering. After bequeathing his few possessions as “remembrances of love” to various Pilgrims, his final words were spoken to Governor Bradford. He simply requested “ye Governor to pray for him, that he might goe to ye Englishman’s God in heaven.” Let us remember the true and faithful promise, “Blessed are the dead who die in the Lord…that they may rest from their labors, for their deeds follow them.” (Revelation 14:13).
Here are four of my favorite books on the Pilgrims
Resources for Further Study:
Beale, David. The Mayflower Pilgrims: Roots of Puritan, Presbyterian, Congregationalist, and Baptist Heritage. Greenville, SC: Ambassador-Emerald International, 2000.
Bradford, William. Of Plymouth Plantation. Reprint, San Antonio, TX: co-published by Vision Forum & Mantle Ministries, 1988.
Bradford, William. Of Plymouth Plantation (1620-1647). Samuel Eliot Morison, ed. New York, NY: Alfred A. Knopf, 2006.
Brown, John. The Pilgrim Fathers of New England and their Puritan Successors. London, England: The Religious Tract Society, 1895.
Gragg, Rod. The Pilgrim Chronicles: An Eyewitness History of the Pilgrims and the Founding of Plymouth Colony. Washington, DC: Regnery Publishing, 2014.
Jehle, Paul. Plymouth in the Words of Her Founders. San Antonio, Texas, Vision Forum Ministries, 2002.
Morison, Samuel Eliot. The Oxford History of the American People. New York, NY: Oxford University Press, 1965.
Schmidt, Gary D. William Bradford: Plymouth’s Faithful Pilgrim. Grand Rapids, MI: William. B. Eerdmans, 1999.
Willison, George F. Saints and Strangers. New York, NY: Reynal & Hitchcock, 1945.
Winslow, Edward. Mourt’s Relation: A Journal of the Pilgrims at Plymouth. Jordan D. Fiore ed. Reprint, Plymouth, MA: Plymouth Rock Foundation, 1985.
Books to Read Out Loud to Children:
Bulla, Clyde Robert. Squanto: Friend of the Pilgrims. New York, NY: Scholastic, Inc. 1954.
Carpenter, Edmund J. The Mayflower Pilgrims. Arlington Heights, IL: Christian Liberty Press, n.d.
Daugherty, James. The Landing of the Pilgrims. New York, NY: Random House, Landmark Books, 1950.
Foster, Marshall, and Mary-Elaine Swanson. The American Covenant: The Untold Story. Revised edition. Santa Barbara, CA: co-published by The Foundation for Christian Self-Government in 1981, and by The Mayflower Institute in 1983.
Pumphrey, Margaret B. Stories of the Pilgrims. New York, NY: Rand McNally & Company, 1912. Reprint, Corvallis, OR: Creation’s Child, 1986.
Otis, James. Mary of Plymouth. Reprint, Bulverde, TX: Mantle Ministries, 1999.
Dr. Marcus J. Serven, ThM and DMin
The Genevan Foundation – Copyright 2020 – All Rights Reserved
“And we know that for those who love God all things work together for good, for those who are called according to his purpose.” Romans 8:28
The rigors of the first winter for the Mayflower Pilgrims are well-known to most students of American history (1620-1621). Nearly half of the original 102 settlers died during that intense season of sickness, suffering, and sadness. Yet, God providentially intervened in several remarkable ways throughout the following spring and summer by providing help in the midst of their infirmities. In particular, the Lord provided an English-speaking, God-fearing, lonely-hearted Indian by the name of Tisquantum. It was said of Squanto that he knew the King’s English and the streets of London far better than his Pilgrim friends. He also knew all of the Indian ways that would be such a great help to the Pilgrims in their desperate hour. At just the right time God brought this unexpected deliverer upon the scene. Immediately, Squanto started educating the Pilgrims on how to catch fish out in Plymouth Bay, and how to capture freshwater eels in the stream with their bare hands. He also taught them how to fertilize and plant corn, and how to safely store the harvested corn Indian-style. Arguably, his most important role was in serving as an interpreter for the English in negotiating a pact of non-aggression and mutual defense with Chief Massasoit of the Wampanoags. Without the timely provision of Squanto’s assistance it is doubtful that such a permanent peace could have been negotiated. This peace treaty remained in effect for over fifty years. He was warily called by the Indians “the tongue of the Englishmen.” But, Governor William Bradford affectionately referred to him as, “a special instrument sent of God for their good, beyond their expectation.” In God’s unforeseen providence Squanto not only discovered a new home for himself built near his old village, but he was lovingly adopted by the Pilgrims and became a respected member of their community.
It was out of this surprising set of circumstances that the Pilgrim’s gathered in the fall of 1621 to hold a feast of thanksgiving to God. Their feast was most likely based upon the Old Testament practice of the Israelites who were instructed by God to hold a feast of thanksgiving at the end of the harvest season. In ancient days this festival was known as the “Feast of Booths” because its celebrants were to live outdoors in primitive huts for seven days. The Bible records the following instructions,
On the fifteenth day of the seventh month, when you have gathered in the produce of the land, you shall celebrate the feast of the LORD seven days. On the first day shall be a solemn rest, and on the eighth day shall be a solemn rest. And you shall take on the first day the fruit of splendid trees, branches of palm trees and boughs of leafy trees and willows of the brook, and you shall rejoice before the LORD your God seven days. You shall celebrate it as a feast to the LORD for seven days in the year. It is a statute forever throughout your generations; you shall celebrate it in the seventh month. You shall dwell in booths for seven days. All native Israelites shall dwell in booths, that your generations may know that I made the people of Israel dwell in booths when I brought them out of the land of Egypt: I am the LORD your God.
Leviticus 23:39-43; English Standard Version
It should be noted that the Pilgrims did not hold this feast of thanksgiving to satisfy the provisions of the Old Testament ceremonial law—which they believed had been completely fulfilled through the sacrificial death of Jesus Christ—but to obey the biblical principle of being thankful for all that God had provided. Thus, they prepared a feast of thanksgiving out of gratitude for God’s abundant blessings. The evangelization of the Indians was also on their minds, therefore they invited Massasoit and his braves to attend. It was quite a surprise when he showed up with ninety hungry warriors!
Here are two eyewitness accounts of the original thanksgiving feast. The first testimony is from the Pilgrim author Edward Winslow (1595-1655) who wrote this account during the second winter and published it in his book, Mourt’s Relation: A Journal of the Pilgrim’s at Plymouth (1622). Winslow remarked,
Our harvest being gotten in, our governor sent four men on fowling, so that we might after a special manner rejoice together after we had gathered the fruit of our labors. They four in one day killed as much fowl as, with a little outside help beside, served the company almost a week. At which time, amongst other recreations, we exercised our arms, many of the Indians coming amongst us, and among the rest their great king Massasoit, with some ninety men, whom for three days we entertained and feasted, and they went out and killed five deer, which they brought to the plantation and bestowed on our governor, and upon the captain and others. And although it be not always so plentiful as it was at this time with us, yet by the goodness of God, we are so far from want, that we often wish you partakers of our plenty.
Edward Winslow, Mourt’s Relation, 72
Curious historians have often wondered, “What was on the menu for that first thanksgiving feast?” Evidently no one ever wrote down the exact menu. But the answer is not too difficult to reconstruct given an awareness of English culinary practices and the testimony of the second eyewitness, Gov. William Bradford (1590-1657). He wrote of this time period in his informative book, Of Plymouth Plantation (1647).
They began now to gather in the small harvest they had, and to prepare their houses for the winter, being well recovered in health and strength, and plentifully provisioned: for while some had been thus employed in affairs away from home, others were occupied in fishing for cod, bass, and other fish, of which they caught a good quantity, every family having their portion. All the summer there was no want. And now, as winter approached, wild fowl began to arrive, of which there were plenty when they came here first, though afterwards they became more scarce. As well as wild fowl, they got abundance of wild turkeys, besides venison, etc. Each person had about a peck of meal a week, or now, since harvest, Indian corn in that proportion; and afterwards many wrote at length about their plenty to their friends in England,—not feigned but true reports.
William Bradford, Of Plymouth Plantation, 89
Therefore, an educated guess of what was on the menu of that first thanksgiving feast would include the following items:
From the two quotes we learn that the feast included cod, sea bass, wildfowl (such as ducks, geese, turkeys and swans), corn meal (and probably wheat), and five deer brought by the Indians. Meat, fish, and bread were the most important elements of the English diet at this time, although fruits and “herbs” were also eaten. The term “vegetables” was not in use at this time; edible plants were known as sallet herbs, potherbs or roots. It is quite possible that shellfish were not a feature at the feast, for although they were plentiful and formed a large part of the Pilgrim’s diet in the early years, they were looked on as poverty fare and hence inappropriate for a feast. The meats were roasted or boiled in traditional English fashion, and the fish boiled or perhaps grilled in the Indian manner. Breads were skillet breads cooked by the fire or perhaps risen breads baked in a clay or cloam oven. Fruit tarts were produced in the same way. The herbs were either boiled along with the meats as “sauce,” or used in “sallets.” A sallet was a vegetable dish either cooked or raw, and either “simple” or “compound” (that is, made from one ingredient or several). The popularity of sallet or vegetable dishes was not great at this time. Therefore, they are not always mentioned although they were served fairly frequently…beverages included beer, Aqua Vitae (or “strong waters”) and water.
Carolyn Travers, The Thanksgiving Primer, 17
Overall, we can deduce from the evidence that the Pilgrims held a feast of great abundance. Chief Massasoit and his men were greeted by an overflowing table as they sat down to eat. One wonders if they had ever seen so much food at any one setting before! Certainly, this feast was a fitting celebration of God’s providential care. Moreover, it was an amazing testament to the Pilgrim’s indefatigable efforts and their sacrificial labors in carving out a new home in the rough and rocky wilderness of New England.
With God’s help they survived the severities of the second winter (1621-1622), and prospered so much that another thanksgiving feast was held after the harvest in the fall of 1622. In time, the feast of thanksgiving became an annual event that was much anticipated by all of the inhabitants of Plymouth— both young and old alike. It was filled with bountiful platters of food, multiple contests of skill, and grateful times of worship. Although there would be many challenging circumstances yet to come in the life of Plymouth’s Pilgrims—the preservation of their fragile colony through cold, deceit, famine, financial worry, political intrigue, religious persecution, schism, sickness, storm, sudden fire, and war all demonstrated the magnanimous favor of God in the midst of their hardships. The Pilgrims themselves steadfastly believed that God had preserved and protected them, and that he was worthy of all praise and thanksgiving for the mercies of his providential care. On this providential theme Gov. William Bradford wrote the following comments about the year 1630. He noted,
Thus out of small beginnings greater things have been produced by His hand that made all things out of nothing, and gives being to all things that are; and, as one small candle may light a thousand, so the light here kindled has shone unto many, yea in some sort to our whole nation; let the glorious name of Jehovah have all the praise.
William Bradford, Of Plymouth Plantation, 226
Indeed, the Lord watched over the Pilgrims and providentially supplied their needs. This promise from the Bible certainly rang true for the Pilgrims of Plymouth…
“Praise the LORD! Blessed is the man who fears the LORD, who greatly delights in his commandments! His offspring will be mighty in the land; the generation of the upright will be blessed.” Psalm 112:1-2
The Pilgrims on their way to worship God
Resources for Further Study:
Bartlett, Robert M. The Faith of the Pilgrims: An American Heritage. New York, NY: United Church Press, 1978.
Beale, David. The Mayflower Pilgrims: Roots of Puritan, Presbyterian, Congregationalist, and Baptist Heritage. Greenville, SC: Ambassador-Emerald International, 2000.
Bradford, William. Of Plymouth Plantation (1620-1647). Samuel Eliot Morison, ed. New York, NY: Alfred A. Knopf, 2006.
Brown, John. The Pilgrim Fathers of New England and their Puritan Successors. London, England: The Religious Tract Society, 1895.
Gragg, Rod. The Pilgrim Chronicles: An Eyewitness History of the Pilgrims and the Founding of Plymouth Colony. Washington, DC: Regnery Publishing, 2014.
Jehle, Dr. Paul. Plymouth in the Words of Her Founders. San Antonio, TX: Vision Forum, 2002.
Marshall, Peter, and David Manuel. The Light and the Glory: Did God have a plan for America? Grand Rapids, MI: Fleming H. Revell, 1977.
Ryken, Leland. Wordly Saints: The Puritans As They Really Were. Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan Publishing House, 1986.
Schmidt, Gary D. William Bradford: Plymouth’s Faithful Pilgrim. Grand Rapids, MI: William. B. Eerdmans, 1999.
Willison, George F. Saints and Strangers. New York, NY: Reynal & Hitchcock, 1945.
Winslow, Edward. Mourt’s Relation: A Journal of the Pilgrims at Plymouth. Jordan D. Fiore ed. Reprint, Plymouth, MA: Plymouth Rock Foundation, 1985.
Books to Read Out Loud to Children:
Bulla, Clyde Robert. Squanto: Friend of the Pilgrims. New York, NY: Scholastic, Inc. 1954.
Carpenter, Edmund J. The Mayflower Pilgrims. Arlington Heights, IL: Christian Liberty Press, n.d.
Daugherty, James. The Landing of the Pilgrims. New York, NY: Random House, Landmark Books, 1950.
Foster, Marshall, and Mary-Elaine Swanson. The American Covenant: The Untold Story. Revised edition. Santa Barbara, CA: co-published by The Foundation for Christian Self-Government in 1981 and by The Mayflower Institute in 1983.
Pumphrey, Margaret B. Stories of the Pilgrims. New York, NY: Rand McNally & Company, 1912. Reprint, Corvallis, OR: Creation’s Child, 1986.
Otis, James. Mary of Plymouth. Reprint, Bulverde, TX: Mantle Ministries, 1999.
Dr. Marcus J. Serven, ThM and DMin
The Genevan Foundation – Copyright 2020 – All Rights Reserved
