I had the privilege of preaching at Redeemer Presbyterian Church, where I serve as the Pastor of Christian Discipleship, this past Sunday (April 7, 2024). My part-time role is mainly focused on teaching adults in our School of Discipleship (on Sunday mornings) and in directing the newly established Redeemer Theological Academy (mid-week classes). Getting an opportunity to preach for me is a rarity–since we have a sizable staff of pastors–and so I was happy to take the opportunity when it came up! Below you will find a description of my sermon on the “Parable of the Lamp” and an audio clip so you can listen. I hope you enjoy it and are challenged by Jesus’ admonition to “let your light shine before others” (Matthew 5:16)!
Jesus uses a common oil-burning lamp as a “visual aid” or as a “parable” to illustrate the value of “light.” No doubt, you can think of examples in real life that demonstrate the value of light—a candle in the midst of a blackout, the light on your phone when you are trying to open the lock on your front door, or a handy flashlight to change a flat tire late at night. The Bible includes several references to “light” in both the Old and the New Testaments (see: Gen. 1:1-5; Ps. 119:105; Prov. 6:23; Matt. 5:14-16; Lk. 2:32; Jn. 3:19-21, 8:12). These short passages show us that light is a very important concept in the Bible. It is not an accident that Jesus uses a lamp that gives off light to express something quite valuable—but what does it mean? If we conclude that the “light” in the Parable of the Lamp refers to the gospel message then how should Christians today seek to show forth the “light” of the gospel? Both Jesus and Paul speak of Christians as the “sons of light” (Jn. 12:36; 1 Thes. 5:5). Therefore, we can be confident that whatever we might do in our life—whether it is in art, business, economics, education, family, law, politics, sports, or work—we bring the light of the gospel into it. Jesus did not intend for us to keep the light hidden, but to make it clearly known for all to see!
Here is the audio clip:
Just a few days after I preached, some friends very kindly gifted me with this genuine oil lamp made in Israel. Interestingly enough, the lamp I described in my sermon was very much like this one. My resource was the Zondervan Pictorial Encyclopedia of the Bible which gave me the description that I used. But now I had in my possession the real deal–a simple oil-burning clay lamp of the type used by Jesus in his parable! What joy! Post Tenebras Lux (After darkness, Light!)
Consider this beneficial and comprehensive statement that Dr. David F. Wells makes about the power of God’s Holy Word:
Dr. David F. Wells
“For it is certainly the case that the Word of God, read or preached, has the power to enter the innermost crevices of a person’s being, to shine light in unwanted places, to explode the myths and debits by which fallen life sustains itself, and to bring that person face to face with the eternal God. It is this biblical Word which God uses to bring repentance, to excite faith, to give new life, to sustain that life once given, to correct, nurture, and guide the Church (Jer. 23:29; 2 Tim. 3:16; Heb. 4:12; Jas. 1:18). The biblical Word is self-authenticating under the power of the Holy Spirit. This Word of God is the means by which God accomplishes his saving work in his people, and this is a work that no evangelist and no preacher can do. This is why the dearth of serious, sustained biblical preaching in the Church today is a serious matter. When the Church loses the Word of God it loses the very means by which God does his work. In its absence, therefore, a script is being written, however unwittingly, for the Church’s undoing, not in one cataclysmic moment, but in a slow, inexorable slide made up of piece by tiny piece of daily dereliction.” (David F. Wells, Above All Earthly Pow’rs, 8-9)
This is a striking summary of the powerful way that God’s Word confronts, convicts, and converts people!
Below you will find five distinctive marks of “The Federal Vision” theology that has been advocated by some theological writers and popular speakers since the early 2000’s. I believe that each one of these five marks can be refuted by the clear teaching of the Bible and by all of the Confessional documents of the Reformed and Presbyterian churches. I list the five marks as illustrative of how some good men can fall prey to bad theology.
The Federal Vision endorses a fundamental paradigm shift away from the doctrine of “Regeneration” to the doctrine of the “Covenant” as the decisive starting place for all theological discussion and analysis (i.e. a hyper-covenantalism; an emphasis on “covenant membership”).
The Federal Vision rejects the Bible’s teaching of a “two-covenant system” (i.e. the covenant of works and the covenant of grace; or Law and Gospel) by setting in its place one single unfolding covenant. Hence, the status and the obligations of its members are radically reinterpreted.
The Federal Vision redefines the doctrine of Justification so that it is not based solely upon the righteousness of Christ imputed to the believer (forensic justification), but upon a combination of Christ’s work and the believer’s good works (a salvific syncretism). Federal Vision advocates also teach that justification is not limited to a particular time, but justification comes about progressively over a person’s lifetime leading to a final justification at one’s death.
The Federal Vision redefines the doctrine of the Church by rejecting the terms “visible” and “invisible.” Moreover, it underemphasizes evangelism and overemphasizes discipleship.
The Federal Vision redefines the doctrine of the Sacraments so that infant baptism (paedo-baptism) is viewed as the “means of salvation” (i.e. through baptismal regeneration), rather than seen solely as a sign and seal of entrance into the visible church. Moreover, Federal Vision advocates insist that covenant membership entitles all baptized persons, even those who have never made a credible profession of faith, the right to participate in the Lord’s Supper (i.e. paedo-communion).
Select Bibliography:
Beisner, Calvin E. (ed.), The Auburn Avenue Theology, Pros & Cons: Debating the Federal Vision, Fort Lauderdale, FL: Knox Theological Seminary, 2004.
Letham, Robert. The Lord’s Supper: Eternal Word in Broken Bread. Phillipsburg, NJ: P&R, 2001.
Murray, John, Christian Baptism, Phillipsburg, NJ: Presbyterian and Reformed Publishing, 1980.
Pipa, Joseph A. & C.N. Willborn (eds.), The Covenant: God’s Voluntary Condescension, Taylors, SC: Presbyterian Press, 2005.
Venema, Cornelis P. Children at the Lord’s Table? Assessing the Case for Paedocommunion. Grand Rapids, MI: Reformation Heritage Books, 2009.
Waters, Guy Prentiss. Justification and the New Perspectives on Paul: A Review and Response. Phillipsburg, NJ: Presbyterian and Reformed Publishing, 2004.
Waters, Guy Prentiss. The Federal Vision and Covenant Theology: A Comparative Analysis. Phillipsburg, NJ: Presbyterian and Reformed Publishing, 2006.
Wilkins, Steve and Duane Garner, eds. The Federal Vision, Monroe, LA: The Athanasius Press, 2004.
Dr. Marcus J. Serven, ThM and DMin
The Genevan Foundation – Copyright 2012 – All Rights Reserved
Four treasured books that have given me a lasting appreciation for Reformed Theology
“Reformed theology so far transcends the mere five points of Calvinism that it is an entire worldview.” ~Dr. R. C. Sproul
Class Description:
Is a belief in Reformed Theology a valid option for the contemporary Christian? The central thesis of this class is that Reformed Theology has “an abiding validity” since it freely flows from the pages of Holy Scripture. With that thesis in mind, we will explore the distinct beliefs of Reformed Theology in the Bible, in the key personalities of the Early Church, in the teaching of the Protestant Reformers, and in the significant Reformed thinkers of the modern era. Moreover, we will discuss how Reformed Theology has shaped modern culture—even though there are many who deny this fact—and how it has positively impacted education, care for the poor, law, politics, economics, a free society/liberty, vocation, the arts, missions, and social change. There will be multiple handouts and book recommendations given out for the benefit of each student.
Location:
Redeemer Presbyterian Church (PCA) located in Austin, Texas. We will meet in Room 206 which is the large classroom upstairs in Calvin Hall.
Time:
Sunday mornings (10:15-11:00 AM) [See class schedule below]
Class Instructor:
Rev. Dr. Marcus J. Serven is a longtime teacher of the Bible, Reformed theology, and the history of Christ’s Church. After a lengthy pastoral career of serving Presbyterian churches in both California and Missouri (1980-2016), Marcus and his family relocated to Austin, Texas in order to retire—but God had other plans! He now serves as the Pastor of Christian Discipleship at Redeemer Presbyterian Church and is a member of the Presbytery of South Texas (PCA). Marcus has earned degrees from the University of California at Davis (BA), Fuller Theological Seminary (MDiv), and Covenant Theological Seminary (ThM and DMin). He is an active member of the Evangelical Theological Society and the Calvin Studies Society.
Class Schedule:
— June 6 – What is Reformed Theology? (Part 1)
— June 13 – What is Reformed Theology? (Part 2)
— June 20 – The Early Church: Paul, Ignatius, Justin Martyr, Tertullian, Augustine
— June 27 – The Protestant Reformation: Zwingli, Bucer, Luther, Calvin, Knox
— July 18 – A Reformed Worldview: Law, Politics, Care for the Poor
— July 25 – A Reformed Worldview: A Free Society/Liberty, Education, Personal Vocation
— August 1 – No Class
— August 8 – A Reformed Worldview: Economics, the Arts, Missions, Social Change
I hope you can join us as we study Reformed Theology–its foundation in the Bible, its proponents in the Early Church, the Reformation, and the Modern Era. And lastly, we’ll reflect upon its significant (but oftentimes unacknowledged) influence upon all that is good and life-producing in modern culture. You may be surprised at what you learn! Come check it out!
What was the overall impact of Calvin’s ministry; and did it bear good fruit? Calvin scholar and long-time pastor, Ronald S. Wallace, suggests a much wider achievement occurred for Calvin’s shepherding ministry than just within the walls of Geneva. Wallace asserts an influence with international scope that continues to this very day through the legacy of Calvin’s pastoral method and the prominence of his city. He perceptively writes,
Calvin’s influence in the sixteenth century however was due not only to his writing, counsel and teaching but also to what Geneva itself became under his influence. The perplexed pastor of today finds much of what is written by experts, and given as advice even at heart-warming church conferences, does not really fit into his own actual situation in the parish ministry. Calvin, however, instead of writing a “Utopia”, actually produced it in Geneva. He translated his ideas into ecclesiastical and even political institutions. He influenced the kind of individual people could meet as they went about the city. Geneva itself therefore became a fact of great importance. It attracted people. They sent their children so that they could come under the influence of the place. They came to believe it was possible for them to have something like it where they themselves lived and worked.
Ronald Wallace, Calvin, Geneva, and the Reformation, 43.
In this way we see the ongoing influence of Calvin as pastor and shepherd to the church of Jesus Christ. He demonstrated this legacy in three ways: first, by a city that was transformed by the gospel and that served as a beacon of righteousness for many centuries; second, by a church which established patterns for ministry that are still being imitated by churches today; and third, by a worldwide institution that became known in time as the Reformed church. Indeed, John Calvin was a faithful and successful pastor.
Dr. J. H. Merle D’Aubigne, distinguished Professor at the Evangelical Theological School, Geneva, Switzerland answers this important question in the following manner: “The Reformation is eminently distinguished from all the revolutions of antiquity, and from most of those of modern times. Political changes—the consolidation or the overthrow of the power of the one or of the many—were the object of the latter. The love of truth, of holiness, or immortality, was the simple yet mighty spring which set in motion that which I have to describe. It indicates a forward movement in human nature. In truth, man advances—he improves, whenever he aims at higher objects, and seeks for immaterial and imperishable blessings, instead of pursuing material, temporal, and earthly advantages. The Reformation is one of the brightest days of this glorious progress. It is a guarantee that the new struggle, which is receiving its accomplishment under our own eyes, will terminate on the side of truth, in a purer, more spiritual, and still nobler triumph.” (Merle D’Aubigne, History of the Reformation in the 16th Century, Preface, xviii)
Wallace, Ronald S. Calvin, Geneva, and the Reformation: A Study of Calvin as Social Worker, Churchman, Pastor and Theologian. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Book House, 1988. Edinburgh, UK: Scottish Academic Press, 1990. [310 pages]
Reviewed by Dr. Marcus J. Serven
The theological work of Rev. Dr. Ronald S. Wallace is best known from his two previous books: (1) Calvin’s Doctrine of Word and Sacrament (originally published in 1953, and reprinted in 1982), and (2) Calvin’s Doctrine of the Christian Life (his Ph.D. dissertation at the University of Edinburgh [no date], reprinted 1997). I was initially attracted to Wallace’s books by the fact that he served as a pastor in the Church of Scotland for twenty-seven years prior to taking up his responsibilities as a Professor. During this time of intense pastoral ministry he systematically engaged in scholarly research by writing the above books on Calvin’s theology and ministry, and pursued his doctoral degree. Eventually, he became a Professor at Columbia Theological Seminary, in Decatur, Georgia, where he taught theology and church history for fourteen years. Dr. Wallace died in 2006, having enjoyed a lengthy life of ninety-five years (1911-2006).
This current volume was originally published in 1988. It fulfills Dr. Wallace’s desire to write a biography on the life of John Calvin, but limits that larger project to a smaller scope. In essence, it is a study on Calvin’s pastoral theology; specifically his role as a social worker, churchman, pastor, and theologian. Wallace states,
For several years I read and collected material for a biographical work on Calvin. I discovered eventually, however, that I was engaged too much in parish work, and in other studies, to be able to master the complicated details of affairs in Geneva to the extent necessary for such a task. Since I was in the ministry myself, I was especially interested both in the kind of ministry which Calvin set himself to fulfill in his city Church (or Church-city), and in the way in which he actually succeeded in fulfilling it. This book therefore is an account, chiefly drawn from the material I collected, of Calvin’s ministry as a social reformer, churchman, and pastor in the sixteenth century. It cannot be called a “Life of Calvin”, but is, rather, a series of essays on his work and on the thought and devotion which he put into it.
Ronald Wallace, Calvin, Geneva, and the Reformation, Forward, vii
What do I like best about this book? Here is a faithful pastor-scholar (Ronald Wallace) writing sympathetically and wisely about the life and ministry of another faithful pastor-scholar (John Calvin). In my opinion, nothing could be better than this!
Following a brief introduction to the major issues and events of the sixteenth century, plus a review of Calvin’s call and early ministry, Dr. Wallace then launches into his four main topics. The book is, therefore, segmented into three sections which explicate the four major themes of his study: (Part 1) The Reformer and his City, (Part 2) Churchman and Pastor, and (Part 3) The Theologian.
Section one speaks of Calvin’s role as a “social worker.” The use of this term today garners images of one who unnecessarily meddles in people’s lives. Perhaps a more appropriate term for American readers would be “social reformer,” for in many ways that was exactly what Calvin set out to be. In this serious responsibility of cultural change, he earnestly sought the transformation of his entire city by the power of the gospel. Wallace describes Calvin’s approach in the following manner,
His program could be described as one of social sanctification rather than of social reconstruction. A transformation first had to be brought about in the personal lives of Geneva’s citizens. This was to be achieved chiefly by two means: through social discipline, and through the sacramental power of the Word of God.
Ronald Wallace, Calvin, Geneva, and the Reformation, 31
Specifically regarding the practice of the Lord’s Supper, Wallace identifies the primary reason why Calvin guarded it so jealously, and why in time it came to grip the people of Geneva so strongly. He argues,
It was a visible enactment of the mystery that Christ was theirs, and they were his. What was made visible by Christ at the Lord’s Table did not mock those present. The forgiveness, new life and power which each person present, therefore, received by faith through the sacrament could be come the most powerful force for the transformation of individual character, of social and family life within the city…He thus enforced his moral and social Gospel from the Lord’s Table.
Ronald Wallace, Calvin, Geneva, and the Reformation, 33-34
Yet, it seems evident that additional structures were needed to fully reform and regulate the unruly citizens of Geneva. Thus, upon his return to the troubled city on September 13, 1541, following his forced exile in Strasbourg, Calvin set out to perfect the ideas that were never fully implemented during his initial years in Geneva (1536-1538). He wrote a formal plan for civil and ecclesiastical reform which he called the Ecclesiastical Ordinances, which was approved by the City Council on November 20, 1541. He also established an organization of church and civil authorities who would uphold it.
Calvin now proposed, in his Ecclesiastical Ordinances (1541) that there should be set up in Geneva a court which could have authority and make judgment on such matters of Church discipline. It was to be called a Consistory…”The duty of the Consistory was to summon, admonish or excommunicate those who lives were regarded as incurring such censures.” (Wallace, Calvin, Geneva, and the Reformation, 35) In this endeavor of social reform, the Minister and the Magistrate worked together to uphold the laws of the city and to further the effect the reform. Wallace notes,
Calvin was emphatic that ecclesiastical discipline was not enough by itself to produce the healthy society. Social discipline for moral and religious ends enforced by the civil magistrate with civil legal sanctions was also required and had to be distinguished from Church discipline.
Ronald Wallace, Calvin, Geneva, and the Reformation, 36
John Calvin (1509-1564), Pastor to the people of Geneva
It would be easy for those looking back upon the reformation of 16th Century Geneva from the lofty position of their own century to be overly critical. For this reason, Calvin has often been accused of being the “dictator of Geneva” who delighted in controlling the lives of others. It must be remembered, however, that Calvin’s stated goal was to bring transformation to society. The light of the gospel had to drive the darkness of moral depravity out of the culture all together. This would mean that all forms of public drunkenness, prostitution, usury, gambling, and youthful promiscuity should be radically curtailed, and that all of this change would be for the benefit of the people. It was not a matter of controlling the lives of the “free citizens of Geneva,” as the Libertines later made it out to be. It was bringing the lives of the people of Geneva into conformity with the benefits of the gospel and the sanctions of biblical law. Wallace puts it this way,
His aim was also positive. The minutes of the consistory show only the negative side of the city discipline. Calvin’s program involved the active promotion of the good life by the exaltation of virtue. He encouraged the city fathers of Geneva not to become too absorbed with “law and order”. They were there to set up and maintain a good system of public education, to encourage wholesome culture, and to create, even by regulation, an environment for healthy social attitudes. He believed that good morals can be produced by good legislation and good social organization. His experiment proved in the long run that people who were carefully driven into living virtuously began to prefer virtue to vice.
Ronald Wallace, Calvin, Geneva, and the Reformation, 51
In summary, Calvin achieved his goal of social transformation by the following means: (1) through preaching and teaching the Word of God (twice every Lord’s Day and on several days throughout the week), (2) through the regular administration of the Lord’s Supper (in time this happened monthly), (3) through the regulating power of the Consistory (with weekly meetings on Thursday mornings), and (4) through the complementary and harmonious relationship that existed between the civil magistrates and the ecclesiastical authorities.
Section two of Wallace’s book deals with Calvin’s role as a Pastor and Churchman. Specifically, he set out to reform the church in such a way that it would not only uphold correct doctrine (orthodoxy), but it would also closely conform to biblical patterns of life (orthopraxy). This was a reconstruction project of the highest order.
Calvin thought of himself in relation to the Church as an architect of reconstruction. In the letter dedicating his Commentary on Isaiah to King Edward VI he described the state of the Church. It had become like the ruined temple of God, utterly deformed, having lost all the glory of the early centuries of its life. But God had begun to raise it up so that men might begin again to see the beauty and glory of the former outline, and Calvin describes himself as one of many inconsiderable persons selected by God “as architects to promote the work of pure doctrine”. In his important letter to the King of Poland, he refers again to his call to “buildup he Church now lying deformed among the ruins of Popery.”
Ronald Wallace, Calvin, Geneva, and the Reformation, 134
Calvin did not just promote his ideology on paper, but he actually implemented it in Geneva and demonstrated to others that his plan could work. He cared for the welfare of the people by visiting them in their own homes, and by training-up others who would share in this on-going responsibility (e.g. Ruling Elders and Deacons). Wallace says,
Moreover if he has a true pastoral concern for those to whom he is preaching he will seek not to fail to visit them in their homes. Calvin believed that Paul gave a pattern for the ministry of the Word when he spoke of how he did not cease to admonish both “publicly” and “from house to house”. “Whatever others may think,” Calvin wrote, “we do not regard our office as bound within so narrow limits that when the sermon is delivered we may rest as if our task was done. They whose blood will be required of us if lost through our slothfulness, are to be cared for much more closely and vigilantly.
Ronald Wallace, Calvin, Geneva, and the Reformation, 173
What of Calvin’s role as a Theologian? Much could be said, but it is important to note that Calvin did not pursue theology because he delighted in abstract thinking, biblical speculation, and dwelling on lofty subjects over and above the ordinary Christian. Instead, Wallace suggests a more personal motivation. He states,
Theology for Calvin, was always an affair of the heart. Christianity, he insisted “is a doctrine not of the tongue but of the life and is not apprehended merely by the intellect and memory, like other sciences, but is received only when it possesses the whole soul, and finds its seat and habitation in the innermost recesses of the heart” [Institutes 3:6:4].
Ronald Wallace, Calvin, Geneva, and the Reformation, 233
And again, Wallace perceptively declares,
Therefore the theological quest involves the theologian not simply in an effort to know about God but also in a growing desire for union and communion with God himself. Even as we meditate, for example, on the nature of the Trinity we are reminded by Calvin that God offers himself to our faith not only to be heard and tested, by to be contemplated, and we are urged to “look upon the one God, to unite with him, and to cleave to him” [Institutes 1:13:2, 1:13:16].
Ronald Wallace, Calvin, Geneva, and the Reformation, 234
Upon what did Calvin build his theology? He could have started with a scathing critique of all the medieval scholastic theologians and then moved on to what was wrong with the church in his time. Yet he does not fall into this purely negative approach. Rather, he consciously and purposefully bases his theology upon the Word of God. And from this unassailable foundation, he constructs a timeless pastoral methodology that is immune to philosophical speculation and the ever-changing trends of contemporary theology.
His theology was a theology of the Word of God. It can be argued that his contemporary influence was as much due to the circulation of his Commentaries as to the Institutes, which after all he regarded simply as a key to help people to know what to look for in the scriptures. His chief aim, therefore, as a theologian was simply to give a faithful and systematic account of what he himself had found there.
Ronald Wallace, Calvin, Geneva, and the Reformation, 222
Hence, I find that Dr. Ronald Wallace has very capably revealed Calvin’s role as a social worker, churchman, pastor, and theologian. He does this with numerous citations from the Institutes, the Commentaries, and the Letters. I appreciated his emphasis on Calvin’s pastoral ministry and his passion in presenting his research. I have read this book several times and continue to dip into it from time to time. In brief, I highly recommend it.
Subscript: This is the one book in all my reading on John Calvin’s role as a Pastor that deeply delves into the specifics of Calvin’s pastoral theology; and so, over the years it has been of immense interest and value to me. Inspired by Wallace’s perceptive book, I completed my own doctoral dissertation on Calvin’s pastoral theology at Covenant Theological Seminary (DMin, 2011). Several notable quotations from Wallace’s book find a prominent place in my dissertation, “Seeking the Old Paths: Towards a Recovery of John Calvin’s Pastoral Theology Amongst Reformed and Presbyterian Pastors Today.”
Wendel, Francois. Calvin: Origins and Development of His Religious Thought. Translated by Philip Mairet. Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1950. Reprint, Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Books, 1997. [383 pages]
Reviewed by Dr. Marcus J. Serven
This is the one book that everyone who writes on the subject of Calvin’s thought likes to quote from. Over the past twenty-five years I found myself regularly coming across footnotes referring to Wendel’s Calvin: Origins and Development of His Religious Thought. Since I do not read French—nor could I find an English edition at the theological bookstores I frequented—it became a personal quest to find a copy of Wendel’s book in English. Perhaps, the academic attraction to this book is due to Wendel’s European credentials. He served as the Dean of the Protestant Faculty of Theology at Strasbourg for many years during the last century. In that capacity he developed into one of the foremost European scholars on the history and literature of the Reformation. This present volume is the capstone of his efforts. At any rate, my joy knew no bounds when I received a book catalogue in the fall of 1996 advertising an English edition to be published by Baker Books. I immediately ordered the book at its pre-publication price. Finally, after waiting for three months the much wanted book arrived in the mail! I grabbed my coat and went down to my favorite coffee shop and dove right into the book. I was not disappointed, as Wendel sparkles in his academic expertise on all things related to Calvin and in his easy to read prose.
The book divides neatly into two parts: (1) a one-hundred and seven page biographical outline of Calvin’s life; and (2) a two-hundred and fifty-two page investigation of his central theological doctrines (based upon the Institutes, Calvin’s Commentaries, Calvin’s Sermons, Calvin’s Letters, and the writings of other Reformation personalities such as Theodore Beza, Martin Bucer, Martin Luther, and Phillip Melanchthon,). Professor Wendel has a wonderful grasp of the secondary literature and gives numerous citations from past and current Calvin scholars.
Calvin as a young man
Two particular questions that I have always wondered about were these: (1) “How exactly did the Institutes of the Christian Religion come about?”, and (2) “Why did the Institutes develop and grow over time through its successive editions?” Wendel gives a whole stream of answers to the second of these two questions, plus he thoroughly answers a variation of the first question by considering “What were Calvin’s sources for the Institutes?” The Bible was certainly Calvin’s primary source, as the Institutes absolutely brims with biblical citations wherein Calvin demonstrates his comprehensive understanding of its most significant doctrines. Beyond that, references from the secular Greek philosophers such as: Plato, Aristotle, Seneca, Themistius, and Cicero abound. Also, quotations and allusions from the early Church Fathers: Chrysostom, Cyril, Origin, Tertullian, Irenaeus, Athanasius, Eusebius, and Augustine; and well-known medieval theologians such as: Anselm, Lombard, Bernard of Clairvaux, Aquinas, Duns Scotus, and Ockham are also clearly evident. At the time Luther’s pamphlets were readily available, as well as his Larger and Shorter Catechisms. Moreover, Phillip Melanchthon’s work of dogmatics, Loci Communes, had been in print since 1521, with a new edition appearing in 1535. Undoubtedly Calvin profited from reading these materials and wrestling with their central theses, yet he also saw the urgent need for a fresh treatment of the basic theological beliefs of the Reformation.
Here is my own well-worn copy of Calvin’s masterwork: The Institutes of the Christian Religion (1559) plus a fine devotional volume by Dr. David Calhoun expounding it.
From early November 1533, once he became a fugitive, Calvin evidently had time to reflect upon the necessity of producing a book that would thoroughly explain the doctrines of the Evangelical movement. Perhaps, he laid the initial foundations for this project in his mind while riding on his horse and seeking a place of refuge. Or, perhaps the motivating event was that he heard a report about the “Affair of the Placards” and the subsequent martyrdom of many of his personal friends in Paris (October 17-18, 1534). Surely, he was strongly motivated not only by his own suffering, but also the gruesome deaths of those whom he knew and loved. It is with the last thought in mind that Calvin resolved to address his Preface to King Francis 1st in the hope that he might persuade the French King to a more moderate attitude towards the Protestant cause. In this Preface he demonstrated his skills as a well-trained lawyer, through careful argumentation, and as an articulate and convinced theologian, through his passionate defense of biblical orthodoxy. At some point, likely in January of 1535, Calvin determined that he should be the one to actually produce the Institutes. Most of Calvin’s biographers look to Louis du Tillet’s library in Angouleme, France as the place of genesis. It was there, apparently, during the winter months that Calvin began outlining the Institutes of the Christian Religion, conducting his research, and writing his initial drafts. In this sense, this library became Calvin’s “Wartburg”. One year later, in January of 1536 we find Calvin dwelling in Basle with Oswald Myconius where he completed his “little book” and finally submitted it for publication. About this first edition Wendel states,
The first edition of the Institutes of the Christian Religion was published in March 1536 by the Basle printers Thomas Platter and Balthasar Lasius. This was in one volume of 516 pages of small format, such as could be easily slipped into the vast pockets of the clothes then worn. The work at that time consisted of six chapters: the first four were devoted to the Law, the Creed, the Lord’s Prayer, and the sacraments of baptism and the Lord’s Supper—which was the classic order of Luther’s Catechisms. And the work was, in fact, conceived as a catechism; that is what the publishers and Calvin himself called it. A fifth and a sixth chapter, one dealing with false Sacraments and the other with the liberty of the Christian, were inspired by the special reasons which had also given birth to the ‘Epistle to the King’ printed at the head of the work.
Francois Wendel, Calvin, 112
The success of this first publication of the Institutes must have been considerable, for we learn that the copies of this first edition were completely exhausted in less than a year after it had appeared. This is all the more noteworthy of consideration since the book was written in Latin, and its appeal was therefore limited to a relatively small cultured public who could read Latin. Later editions, in both Latin and French, are fully chronicled by Wendel with all the salient details of their publication. Finally, of course, Calvin is able to produce the penultimate Latin edition of 1559 and the French edition of 1560. Wendel notes,
Yet whatever its defects, this edition of the 1559-1560 remains monumental work; truly a theological summa of Reformed Protestantism. Even in Calvin’s lifetime its success was immense, and it was never discredited afterwards. It was indubitably one of the causes of the very rapid rise of a Calvinist orthodoxy, strictly adherent to the formulas of the Institutes, which even the later controversies have only with difficulty managed to modify.
Francois Wendel, Calvin, 122
On the lasting influence of those ultimate editions, Wendel favorably quotes the opinion of Imbart de La Tour who published his own study on Calvin in 1935,
The whole of Calvinism is in the Institutes—a work of capital importance, the work most valued by Calvin, who spent all his life revising and reshaping as well as enriching it. All his other works—commentaries, controversies, smaller dogmatic or moral treatises—are related to it like advanced redoubts meant to defend the heart against the enemy.
Imbart de La Tour, Calvin et l’Institution Cretienne, 55; quoted by Francois Wendel, Calvin, 111
In conclusion, I believe that Wendel’s volume, Calvin: Origins and Development of His Religious Thought, is one of the most significant Calvin studies of the past century. It may in time be surpassed by Derek Thomas and John Tweeddale’s penetrating and comprehensive volume, John Calvin: For A New Reformation (2019); but only time will tell if that becomes true. In the meantime, though, I sincerely expect that I will return to Wendel’s book many times over to consider the constituent elements of the Institutes, and to dive deep into a cogent analysis of Calvin’s thought. Now I know why everyone likes to quote from this book; it is simply a goldmine of material on Calvin and the development of his thinking.
I am most grateful that Baker Books chose to reprint the English edition of Wendel’s book in 1996. Reading it laid the foundation for my own doctoral work on Calvin’ pastoral theology that I would commence ten years later in 2006. Wendel’s Calvin: Origins and Development of His Religious Thought reveals much about the Reformer that would be very difficult to discover apart from the exhaustive research contained in this noteworthy volume. In summary, I say “Bravo!” for a superlative study on Calvin and his theological development.
Van Til, Henry R. The Calvinistic Concept of Culture. Second Edition. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Books, 1959. Forward by Richard J. Mouw, 2001. [245 pages]
Reviewed by Dr. Marcus J. Serven
I have wanted to read this particular book for a very long time, but never made it a priority to do so. Having now carefully read it through, I can see that this is a very deep volume that represents Henry R. Van Til’s entire life work. It certainly bears reading a second time, and perhaps even a third time, to fully comprehend its message. The concepts that are presented on cultural transformation from Augustine (The City of God), Calvin (Institutes of the Christian Religion), and Kuyper (Lectures on Calvinism) follow in a straight line; with each man’s thoughts neatly building upon the others. However, when Van Til includes the blistering critique of Klaas Schilder (Wat is de Hemel) against the central theme of God’s common grace (i.e. Kuyper); it is a strategy that leaves me thoroughly puzzled. I believe that this juxtaposition of views on common grace weakens the overall progress of the book and its conclusion. In my opinion, Schilder’s critique should have been left out entirely, or positioned in some other manner.
Nevertheless, despite this flaw (and I do not believe it is a fatal flaw), The Calvinistic Concept of Culture retains its place as one of the seminal books of the twentieth century to set forth a theology of culture. It should surely be read alongside other similar books, some of which do not share Van Til’s conservative biblical theology, such as: Jacque Ellul’s Meaning of the City, H. Richard Neibuhr’s Christ and Culture, and Paul Tillich’s Theology of Culture. There are, of course, several contemporary evangelical authors who embrace Van Til’s conservative biblical theology that could also be read with profit on this subject, such as: D. A. Carson’s Christ and Culture Revisited; Charles Kraft’s Christianity in Culture; Francis Schaeffer’s How should We Then Live?; and David F. Well’s penetrating four volume analysis and critique of the modern church: (1) No Place for Truth or Whatever Happened to Evangelical Theology? [1993], (2) God in the Wasteland: The Reality of Truth in a World of Fading Dreams [1994], (3) Losing Our Virtue: Why the Church Must Recover Its Moral Vision [1998], and (4) Above All Earthly Powers: Christ in a Postmodern World [2005]). Beyond this, William A. Dyrness has written a very helpful introductory article on “Christianity and Culture” in the Evangelical Dictionary of Theology, 2nd Edition (Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Books, 2001). This fine article helped me to get my bearings on this complex subject.
Professor Henry R. Van Til
It should be stated first off, that the author of The Calvinistic Concept of Culture was Calvin College Professor, Henry R. Van Til (Th.M. degree from Westminster), the nephew of the better-known Dr. Cornelius Van Til (Professor of Apologetics at Westminster Theological Seminary). Professor Henry R. Van Til died suddenly in 1961 at the age of 55 (1906-1961). This was his first and only book, which was distilled from his extensive class notes, and written while on sabbatical. Throughout, Van Til gives a large number of illustrations showing the positive historical impact of Calvinism. He also illuminates the underlying presuppositions that motivate the Calvinist to influence this fallen world with the gospel: (1) our need to obey the creation mandate (Genesis 1:27), (2) our need to fulfill the cultural mandate (Genesis 1:28; Matthew 28:18-20), and (3) our need to claim all things for our reigning King, the Lord Jesus Christ (1 Corinthians 10:31; Colossians 1:15-20, 3:17).
Dr. Richard J. Mouw, formerly President of Fuller Theological Seminary, writes an insightful Forward which reveals, in summary, the major points of Van Til’s thesis. Mouw introduces the subject of cultural transformation in this way,
In a world distorted by sin, redeemed people must seek to bring all areas of human life into conformity with the Lord of creation. The mandate is all-inclusive. As Abraham Kuyper—whose influences looms large in this book—once declared, “There is not a square inch in the whole domain of our human existence over which Christ, who is sovereign over all, does not cry ‘Mine!’” And the Lord who claims all culture as part of his kingdom also calls his redeemed people to show forth his divine rule in the patterns in their cultural involvement. Here the standard Calvinistic discussion of divine cultural election is extended to emphasize the point of that election: believers who have been elected by sovereign grace are thereby called to participate in the life of a redeemed community of believers who together must find ways of bearing witness to the sovereign rule of God over all things.
Richard Mouw, Forward, x
Van Til’s book is laid out as follows,
The theological meta-narrative of The Calvinistic Concept of Culture is about subsequent Christian thinkers who have, in Van Til’s telling of the tale, best described the profound implications of this biblical plot for the understanding culture: Augustine, Calvin, and Dutch Reformed “neo-Calvinists” of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries…Van Til chooses to focus on two prominent Dutch thinkers—Abraham Kuyper and Klaas Schilder—devoting a chapter to each of them.
Richard Mouw, Forward, xi
The two following questions are central to this book: (1) “What is the definition of the word culture?”, and (2) “What is the relationship of culture to religion?” Van Til defines “culture” with the following definition,
The term “culture” has meant many things to many people. In this book I use the term to designate that activity of man, the image-bearer of God, by which he fulfills the creation mandate to cultivate the earth, to have dominion over it and to subdue it. The term is also applied to the result of such activity, namely, the secondary environment which has been superimposed upon nature by man’s creative effort. Culture, then, is not a peripheral concern, but of the very essence of life. It is an expression of man’s essential being as created in the image of God, and since man is essentially a religious being, it is expressive of his relationship to God, that is, of his religion…My thesis, then, is that Calvinism furnishes us with the only theology of culture that is truly relevant for the world in which we live, because it is the true theology of the Word.
Henry Van Til, Preface, xvii
This very fine definition brings up some salient points: (1) it roots all human culture in the truth that we are creatures made by God, (2) as creatures, we must be in right a relationship with our Creator, and that is only accomplished through faith in Jesus Christ, the Father’s eternal Son, and finally, (3) all human culture is a reflection of our covenantal relationship with God (i.e. our religion) and the blessings of God’s common grace shown to all of his creatures. Van Til would describe religion with the following words,
Religion is the inescapable covenantal relationship between God as Lord and his image-bearer, man. This relation follows from that other basic one of Creator and creature, and rests upon the faithfulness of God to the covenant which he ordained as constituting the religious relationship. This relationship extends to the whole of life; it is all-permeating; it radiates from its center in the heart out to every area on the periphery of man’s existence.
Henry Van Til, The Calvinistic Concept of Culture, 37
The covenantal aspects of our relationship with God are inescapable. All human beings alike are held to the overarching “Covenant of Life” (i.e. required obedience to God’s Law under penalty of death), and Christians are called to live out their faith in this fallen world as representatives of God’s Gospel (cf. 2 Corinthians 5:16-21). They are to be light in the midst of darkness (cf. Matthew 5:14-16). In this respect it would normative for members of Christ’s Church to live in such a way that darkness is driven from culture by the progress of the gospel. Van Til summarizes his central thesis with his oft-quoted phrase, “Culture…is religion externalized.” Just to be factual, though, it is necessary to quote the whole sentence,
But basically the antithesis is just as absolute in culture as it is in the sphere of religion, for culture is simply the service of God in our lives; it is religion externalized.
Henry Van Til, The Calvinistic Concept of Culture, 200
Van Til puts forward the life and ministry of Augustine of Hippo (A.D. 354-430) as an example of one who set out to transform fallen culture with the gospel. He states,
In short, Augustine is not a cultural optimist, who believes in culture as such, to redeem man and society. Neither is he a cultural pessimist in the Tertullian sense of condemning every form of culture simply because of its pagan origin and association. Augustine believes that the achievements of cultural striving must be permeated and transformed by Christian principles so that we develop a truly God-fearing and God-glorifying culture instead of the corrupt, God-defying culture of the world (civitas terrena).
Henry Van Til, The Calvinistic Concept of Culture, 67-68
Just what are the areas of life that might be influenced by the gospel? Or, stated in other words, where should the Christian seek to exercise “sphere-sovereignty”? There are many areas, but let one example, in particular, serve as an application of Van Til’s thesis of cultural transformation; and that is the area of music. Music is a medium that seems to transcend all cultural differences and times. In this “sphere” the sovereignty of God must also be brought to bear. Van Til powerfully contends,
Music is the foremost of the arts in its adaptability to worship. The object of music is God and his creation. The glory of God and the elevation of man are its goal, and the inspiring Psalms are its means. Since it is the goodness of God emanating through the universe that makes men sing, God ought to be the center of man’s thoughts and feelings when he sings. Seriousness, harmony, and joy must characterize our songs to God. And, although Calvin does not reject the use of hymns, he prefers to use the Psalms of David in public worship. Song is the unlimited reservoir of power, since it moves our hearts to call upon the name of God more earnestly. By it we are strong in temptation and in the face of persecution (witness the Huguenots and many martyrs who went to the stake singing), and it renews the soul. By singing the church is builded (sic) and its members united in the holy bond of love. Calvin did not condemn secular music, namely, that which had the creation of God as its object, out of hand. But the secular may not be godless; it must serve to glorify God indirectly through our joy and elevation. Therefore, music that degrades, that corrupts good manners, that flatters the flesh, must be rejected. For music has a secret and incredible power to move the hearts. When evil words are accompanied by music, they penetrate more deeply and the poison enters as wine through a funnel into the vat.
Henry Van Til, The Calvinistic Concept of Culture, 110-111
The Genevan Psalter (1562)
Thus, John Calvin (1509-1564) endeavored to promote godly music in Geneva that would build-up the culture rather than tear it down. He encouraged the singing of Psalms from the Bible in the worship service and around the family table. These were to be sung without instrumentation to metered-tunes that were easily learned. An initial version of the Psalter was published in Strasbourg (1539), and this was followed by numerous editions and perfections to the Psalter published in Geneva. The Psalter was a powerful tool of cultural transformation and cultural domination. Later psalm-singing developed from only singing the melody into four-part harmony (Soprano, Alto, Tenor, and Bass). That perfection became the mainstay of the Dutch Reformed Christians, the Scottish Covenanters, and the English and American Puritans. Van Til explains,
Calvin has been called the father of the Psalter. Before him the French Reformed churches knew no congregational singing. In 1537 Calvin had already proposed the introduction of congregational singing in Geneva, in order to stir up the cold hearts to prayer and to move them to praise. However, the first edition of the Psalter appears in Strasbourg in 1539, where Calvin was in exile. It contained his own metrical version of the Psalms of Strasbourg. Later Calvin eliminated his own poetry and took Marot’s version of the Psalms, while the tunes were either composed or arranged by Bourgeois and published in 1562. This version of the Psalter enjoyed twenty-five editions the year of its publication and a total of 1,400 editions.
Henry Van Til, The Calvinistic Concept of Culture, 111
To further apply this thinking of “sphere-sovereignty” to cultural transformation, Van Til explains Kuypers’ determination to establish parallel institutions that would clearly show the antithesis to those secular institutions. Van Til states,
The regenerated man must live Pro Rege, for the King, in every cultural activity, in every societal relationship, and every communal organization. Marriage, the family, the educational institutions, the state, and society as a whole must be organized along Christian principles…This has been called the organizational antithesis. Kuyper was convinced that there was no other way for the Christian to work and witness successfully in society than through separate organizations. He goes so far as to call this the third instrument, next to church and school, by which Christ maintains his hegemony in society.
Henry Van Til, The Calvinistic Concept of Culture, 131
Today, some Christians would object to Kuyper’s aggressive strategy, and would assert their desire to remain neutral rather than to inflame the opposition by being overly aggressive. Van Til strongly argues that neutrality is impossible; for what do light and darkness have in common? He contends,
Scripture allows no neutrality with respect to the claims of God and of his Christ. For the affirmation of neutrality assumes that the subject is independent of God to the point that he can safely, with impunity, disregard the claims of the Lord. This the Bible will not allow. No man has the right to ignore God; in fact, God is the ever-present, inescapable Presence that no man can ignore. Therefore, the neutrality concept of the world is a form of denial; it says in effect, “God, stay away from my door; I can get along well enough on my own.” This is the philosophy of Esau, a profane person. Neutrality is profanity, it is godliness, it constitutes the secular mind, which tries to make of religion a thing apart from life. But this is blasphemy!
Henry Van Til, The Calvinistic Concept of Culture, 201
The final analysis provided by Van Til is that cultural engagement and transformation is the duty of the Christian. Whereas, there may be subtle refinements to this theology of culture, as proposed by Schilder and others, it is nonetheless the responsibility of Christians everywhere to live as light in this dark world. We are called to retake the ground that has been too easily surrendered to the enemy. We are to do this by living a life of antithesis and cultural engagement.
Thus, it is a privilege to commend The Calvinistic Concept of Culture to a new generation of thoughtful reading Christians who wish to implement the imperatives of the gospel in this fallen world. There will certainly be opposition, both from without and within, but this does not diminish our call to be salt and light. And so, we are to live Pro Rege (for the King) and Coram Deo (before the face of God). May it be so.
“And we know that for those who love God all things work together for good, for those who are called according to his purpose.” Romans 8:28
The rigors of the first winter for the Mayflower Pilgrims are well-known to most students of American history (1620-1621). Nearly half of the original 102 settlers died during that intense season of sickness, suffering, and sadness. Yet, God providentially intervened in several remarkable ways throughout the following spring and summer by providing help in the midst of their infirmities. In particular, the Lord provided an English-speaking, God-fearing, lonely-hearted Indian by the name of Tisquantum. It was said of Squanto that he knew the King’s English and the streets of London far better than his Pilgrim friends. He also knew all of the Indian ways that would be such a great help to the Pilgrims in their desperate hour. At just the right time God brought this unexpected deliverer upon the scene. Immediately, Squanto started educating the Pilgrims on how to catch fish out in Plymouth Bay, and how to capture freshwater eels in the stream with their bare hands. He also taught them how to fertilize and plant corn, and how to safely store the harvested corn Indian-style. Arguably, his most important role was in serving as an interpreter for the English in negotiating a pact of non-aggression and mutual defense with Chief Massasoit of the Wampanoags. Without the timely provision of Squanto’s assistance it is doubtful that such a permanent peace could have been negotiated. This peace treaty remained in effect for over fifty years. He was warily called by the Indians “the tongue of the Englishmen.” But, Governor William Bradford affectionately referred to him as, “a special instrument sent of God for their good, beyond their expectation.” In God’s unforeseen providence Squanto not only discovered a new home for himself built near his old village, but he was lovingly adopted by the Pilgrims and became a respected member of their community.
It was out of this surprising set of circumstances that the Pilgrim’s gathered in the fall of 1621 to hold a feast of thanksgiving to God. Their feast was most likely based upon the Old Testament practice of the Israelites who were instructed by God to hold a feast of thanksgiving at the end of the harvest season. In ancient days this festival was known as the “Feast of Booths” because its celebrants were to live outdoors in primitive huts for seven days. The Bible records the following instructions,
On the fifteenth day of the seventh month, when you have gathered in the produce of the land, you shall celebrate the feast of the LORD seven days. On the first day shall be a solemn rest, and on the eighth day shall be a solemn rest. And you shall take on the first day the fruit of splendid trees, branches of palm trees and boughs of leafy trees and willows of the brook, and you shall rejoice before the LORD your God seven days. You shall celebrate it as a feast to the LORD for seven days in the year. It is a statute forever throughout your generations; you shall celebrate it in the seventh month. You shall dwell in booths for seven days. All native Israelites shall dwell in booths, that your generations may know that I made the people of Israel dwell in booths when I brought them out of the land of Egypt: I am the LORD your God.
Leviticus 23:39-43; English Standard Version
It should be noted that the Pilgrims did not hold this feast of thanksgiving to satisfy the provisions of the Old Testament ceremonial law—which they believed had been completely fulfilled through the sacrificial death of Jesus Christ—but to obey the biblical principle of being thankful for all that God had provided. Thus, they prepared a feast of thanksgiving out of gratitude for God’s abundant blessings. The evangelization of the Indians was also on their minds, therefore they invited Massasoit and his braves to attend. It was quite a surprise when he showed up with ninety hungry warriors!
Here are two eyewitness accounts of the original thanksgiving feast. The first testimony is from the Pilgrim author Edward Winslow (1595-1655) who wrote this account during the second winter and published it in his book, Mourt’s Relation: A Journal of the Pilgrim’s at Plymouth (1622). Winslow remarked,
Our harvest being gotten in, our governor sent four men on fowling, so that we might after a special manner rejoice together after we had gathered the fruit of our labors. They four in one day killed as much fowl as, with a little outside help beside, served the company almost a week. At which time, amongst other recreations, we exercised our arms, many of the Indians coming amongst us, and among the rest their great king Massasoit, with some ninety men, whom for three days we entertained and feasted, and they went out and killed five deer, which they brought to the plantation and bestowed on our governor, and upon the captain and others. And although it be not always so plentiful as it was at this time with us, yet by the goodness of God, we are so far from want, that we often wish you partakers of our plenty.
Edward Winslow, Mourt’s Relation, 72
Curious historians have often wondered, “What was on the menu for that first thanksgiving feast?” Evidently no one ever wrote down the exact menu. But the answer is not too difficult to reconstruct given an awareness of English culinary practices and the testimony of the second eyewitness, Gov. William Bradford (1590-1657). He wrote of this time period in his informative book, Of Plymouth Plantation (1647).
They began now to gather in the small harvest they had, and to prepare their houses for the winter, being well recovered in health and strength, and plentifully provisioned: for while some had been thus employed in affairs away from home, others were occupied in fishing for cod, bass, and other fish, of which they caught a good quantity, every family having their portion. All the summer there was no want. And now, as winter approached, wild fowl began to arrive, of which there were plenty when they came here first, though afterwards they became more scarce. As well as wild fowl, they got abundance of wild turkeys, besides venison, etc. Each person had about a peck of meal a week, or now, since harvest, Indian corn in that proportion; and afterwards many wrote at length about their plenty to their friends in England,—not feigned but true reports.
William Bradford, Of Plymouth Plantation, 89
Therefore, an educated guess of what was on the menu of that first thanksgiving feast would include the following items:
From the two quotes we learn that the feast included cod, sea bass, wildfowl (such as ducks, geese, turkeys and swans), corn meal (and probably wheat), and five deer brought by the Indians. Meat, fish, and bread were the most important elements of the English diet at this time, although fruits and “herbs” were also eaten. The term “vegetables” was not in use at this time; edible plants were known as sallet herbs, potherbs or roots. It is quite possible that shellfish were not a feature at the feast, for although they were plentiful and formed a large part of the Pilgrim’s diet in the early years, they were looked on as poverty fare and hence inappropriate for a feast. The meats were roasted or boiled in traditional English fashion, and the fish boiled or perhaps grilled in the Indian manner. Breads were skillet breads cooked by the fire or perhaps risen breads baked in a clay or cloam oven. Fruit tarts were produced in the same way. The herbs were either boiled along with the meats as “sauce,” or used in “sallets.” A sallet was a vegetable dish either cooked or raw, and either “simple” or “compound” (that is, made from one ingredient or several). The popularity of sallet or vegetable dishes was not great at this time. Therefore, they are not always mentioned although they were served fairly frequently…beverages included beer, Aqua Vitae (or “strong waters”) and water.
Carolyn Travers, The Thanksgiving Primer, 17
Overall, we can deduce from the evidence that the Pilgrims held a feast of great abundance. Chief Massasoit and his men were greeted by an overflowing table as they sat down to eat. One wonders if they had ever seen so much food at any one setting before! Certainly, this feast was a fitting celebration of God’s providential care. Moreover, it was an amazing testament to the Pilgrim’s indefatigable efforts and their sacrificial labors in carving out a new home in the rough and rocky wilderness of New England.
With God’s help they survived the severities of the second winter (1621-1622), and prospered so much that another thanksgiving feast was held after the harvest in the fall of 1622. In time, the feast of thanksgiving became an annual event that was much anticipated by all of the inhabitants of Plymouth— both young and old alike. It was filled with bountiful platters of food, multiple contests of skill, and grateful times of worship. Although there would be many challenging circumstances yet to come in the life of Plymouth’s Pilgrims—the preservation of their fragile colony through cold, deceit, famine, financial worry, political intrigue, religious persecution, schism, sickness, storm, sudden fire, and war all demonstrated the magnanimous favor of God in the midst of their hardships. The Pilgrims themselves steadfastly believed that God had preserved and protected them, and that he was worthy of all praise and thanksgiving for the mercies of his providential care. On this providential theme Gov. William Bradford wrote the following comments about the year 1630. He noted,
Thus out of small beginnings greater things have been produced by His hand that made all things out of nothing, and gives being to all things that are; and, as one small candle may light a thousand, so the light here kindled has shone unto many, yea in some sort to our whole nation; let the glorious name of Jehovah have all the praise.
William Bradford, Of Plymouth Plantation, 226
Indeed, the Lord watched over the Pilgrims and providentially supplied their needs. This promise from the Bible certainly rang true for the Pilgrims of Plymouth…
“Praise the LORD! Blessed is the man who fears the LORD, who greatly delights in his commandments! His offspring will be mighty in the land; the generation of the upright will be blessed.” Psalm 112:1-2
The Pilgrims on their way to worship God
Resources for Further Study:
Bartlett, Robert M. The Faith of the Pilgrims: An American Heritage. New York, NY: United Church Press, 1978.
Beale, David. The Mayflower Pilgrims: Roots of Puritan, Presbyterian, Congregationalist, and Baptist Heritage. Greenville, SC: Ambassador-Emerald International, 2000.
Bradford, William. Of Plymouth Plantation (1620-1647). Samuel Eliot Morison, ed. New York, NY: Alfred A. Knopf, 2006.
Brown, John. The Pilgrim Fathers of New England and their Puritan Successors. London, England: The Religious Tract Society, 1895.
Gragg, Rod. The Pilgrim Chronicles: An Eyewitness History of the Pilgrims and the Founding of Plymouth Colony. Washington, DC: Regnery Publishing, 2014.
Jehle, Dr. Paul. Plymouth in the Words of Her Founders. San Antonio, TX: Vision Forum, 2002.
Marshall, Peter, and David Manuel. The Light and the Glory: Did God have a plan for America? Grand Rapids, MI: Fleming H. Revell, 1977.
Ryken, Leland. Wordly Saints: The Puritans As They Really Were. Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan Publishing House, 1986.
Schmidt, Gary D. William Bradford: Plymouth’s Faithful Pilgrim. Grand Rapids, MI: William. B. Eerdmans, 1999.
Willison, George F. Saints and Strangers. New York, NY: Reynal & Hitchcock, 1945.
Winslow, Edward. Mourt’s Relation: A Journal of the Pilgrims at Plymouth. Jordan D. Fiore ed. Reprint, Plymouth, MA: Plymouth Rock Foundation, 1985.
Books to Read Out Loud to Children:
Bulla, Clyde Robert. Squanto: Friend of the Pilgrims. New York, NY: Scholastic, Inc. 1954.
Carpenter, Edmund J. The Mayflower Pilgrims. Arlington Heights, IL: Christian Liberty Press, n.d.
Daugherty, James. The Landing of the Pilgrims. New York, NY: Random House, Landmark Books, 1950.
Foster, Marshall, and Mary-Elaine Swanson. The American Covenant: The Untold Story. Revised edition. Santa Barbara, CA: co-published by The Foundation for Christian Self-Government in 1981 and by The Mayflower Institute in 1983.
Pumphrey, Margaret B. Stories of the Pilgrims. New York, NY: Rand McNally & Company, 1912. Reprint, Corvallis, OR: Creation’s Child, 1986.
Otis, James. Mary of Plymouth. Reprint, Bulverde, TX: Mantle Ministries, 1999.
Dr. Marcus J. Serven, ThM and DMin
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