What was the overall impact of Calvin’s ministry; and did it bear good fruit? Calvin scholar and long-time pastor, Ronald S. Wallace, suggests a much wider achievement occurred for Calvin’s shepherding ministry than just within the walls of Geneva. Wallace asserts an influence with international scope that continues to this very day through the legacy of Calvin’s pastoral method and the prominence of his city. He perceptively writes,
Calvin’s influence in the sixteenth century however was due not only to his writing, counsel and teaching but also to what Geneva itself became under his influence. The perplexed pastor of today finds much of what is written by experts, and given as advice even at heart-warming church conferences, does not really fit into his own actual situation in the parish ministry. Calvin, however, instead of writing a “Utopia”, actually produced it in Geneva. He translated his ideas into ecclesiastical and even political institutions. He influenced the kind of individual people could meet as they went about the city. Geneva itself therefore became a fact of great importance. It attracted people. They sent their children so that they could come under the influence of the place. They came to believe it was possible for them to have something like it where they themselves lived and worked.
Ronald Wallace, Calvin, Geneva, and the Reformation, 43.
In this way we see the ongoing influence of Calvin as pastor and shepherd to the church of Jesus Christ. He demonstrated this legacy in three ways: first, by a city that was transformed by the gospel and that served as a beacon of righteousness for many centuries; second, by a church which established patterns for ministry that are still being imitated by churches today; and third, by a worldwide institution that became known in time as the Reformed church. Indeed, John Calvin was a faithful and successful pastor.
Wallace, Ronald S. Calvin, Geneva, and the Reformation: A Study of Calvin as Social Worker, Churchman, Pastor and Theologian. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Book House, 1988. Edinburgh, UK: Scottish Academic Press, 1990. [310 pages]
Reviewed by Dr. Marcus J. Serven
The theological work of Rev. Dr. Ronald S. Wallace is best known from his two previous books: (1) Calvin’s Doctrine of Word and Sacrament (originally published in 1953, and reprinted in 1982), and (2) Calvin’s Doctrine of the Christian Life (his Ph.D. dissertation at the University of Edinburgh [no date], reprinted 1997). I was initially attracted to Wallace’s books by the fact that he served as a pastor in the Church of Scotland for twenty-seven years prior to taking up his responsibilities as a Professor. During this time of intense pastoral ministry he systematically engaged in scholarly research by writing the above books on Calvin’s theology and ministry, and pursued his doctoral degree. Eventually, he became a Professor at Columbia Theological Seminary, in Decatur, Georgia, where he taught theology and church history for fourteen years. Dr. Wallace died in 2006, having enjoyed a lengthy life of ninety-five years (1911-2006).
This current volume was originally published in 1988. It fulfills Dr. Wallace’s desire to write a biography on the life of John Calvin, but limits that larger project to a smaller scope. In essence, it is a study on Calvin’s pastoral theology; specifically his role as a social worker, churchman, pastor, and theologian. Wallace states,
For several years I read and collected material for a biographical work on Calvin. I discovered eventually, however, that I was engaged too much in parish work, and in other studies, to be able to master the complicated details of affairs in Geneva to the extent necessary for such a task. Since I was in the ministry myself, I was especially interested both in the kind of ministry which Calvin set himself to fulfill in his city Church (or Church-city), and in the way in which he actually succeeded in fulfilling it. This book therefore is an account, chiefly drawn from the material I collected, of Calvin’s ministry as a social reformer, churchman, and pastor in the sixteenth century. It cannot be called a “Life of Calvin”, but is, rather, a series of essays on his work and on the thought and devotion which he put into it.
Ronald Wallace, Calvin, Geneva, and the Reformation, Forward, vii
What do I like best about this book? Here is a faithful pastor-scholar (Ronald Wallace) writing sympathetically and wisely about the life and ministry of another faithful pastor-scholar (John Calvin). In my opinion, nothing could be better than this!
Following a brief introduction to the major issues and events of the sixteenth century, plus a review of Calvin’s call and early ministry, Dr. Wallace then launches into his four main topics. The book is, therefore, segmented into three sections which explicate the four major themes of his study: (Part 1) The Reformer and his City, (Part 2) Churchman and Pastor, and (Part 3) The Theologian.
Section one speaks of Calvin’s role as a “social worker.” The use of this term today garners images of one who unnecessarily meddles in people’s lives. Perhaps a more appropriate term for American readers would be “social reformer,” for in many ways that was exactly what Calvin set out to be. In this serious responsibility of cultural change, he earnestly sought the transformation of his entire city by the power of the gospel. Wallace describes Calvin’s approach in the following manner,
His program could be described as one of social sanctification rather than of social reconstruction. A transformation first had to be brought about in the personal lives of Geneva’s citizens. This was to be achieved chiefly by two means: through social discipline, and through the sacramental power of the Word of God.
Ronald Wallace, Calvin, Geneva, and the Reformation, 31
Specifically regarding the practice of the Lord’s Supper, Wallace identifies the primary reason why Calvin guarded it so jealously, and why in time it came to grip the people of Geneva so strongly. He argues,
It was a visible enactment of the mystery that Christ was theirs, and they were his. What was made visible by Christ at the Lord’s Table did not mock those present. The forgiveness, new life and power which each person present, therefore, received by faith through the sacrament could be come the most powerful force for the transformation of individual character, of social and family life within the city…He thus enforced his moral and social Gospel from the Lord’s Table.
Ronald Wallace, Calvin, Geneva, and the Reformation, 33-34
Yet, it seems evident that additional structures were needed to fully reform and regulate the unruly citizens of Geneva. Thus, upon his return to the troubled city on September 13, 1541, following his forced exile in Strasbourg, Calvin set out to perfect the ideas that were never fully implemented during his initial years in Geneva (1536-1538). He wrote a formal plan for civil and ecclesiastical reform which he called the Ecclesiastical Ordinances, which was approved by the City Council on November 20, 1541. He also established an organization of church and civil authorities who would uphold it.
Calvin now proposed, in his Ecclesiastical Ordinances (1541) that there should be set up in Geneva a court which could have authority and make judgment on such matters of Church discipline. It was to be called a Consistory…”The duty of the Consistory was to summon, admonish or excommunicate those who lives were regarded as incurring such censures.” (Wallace, Calvin, Geneva, and the Reformation, 35) In this endeavor of social reform, the Minister and the Magistrate worked together to uphold the laws of the city and to further the effect the reform. Wallace notes,
Calvin was emphatic that ecclesiastical discipline was not enough by itself to produce the healthy society. Social discipline for moral and religious ends enforced by the civil magistrate with civil legal sanctions was also required and had to be distinguished from Church discipline.
Ronald Wallace, Calvin, Geneva, and the Reformation, 36
John Calvin (1509-1564), Pastor to the people of Geneva
It would be easy for those looking back upon the reformation of 16th Century Geneva from the lofty position of their own century to be overly critical. For this reason, Calvin has often been accused of being the “dictator of Geneva” who delighted in controlling the lives of others. It must be remembered, however, that Calvin’s stated goal was to bring transformation to society. The light of the gospel had to drive the darkness of moral depravity out of the culture all together. This would mean that all forms of public drunkenness, prostitution, usury, gambling, and youthful promiscuity should be radically curtailed, and that all of this change would be for the benefit of the people. It was not a matter of controlling the lives of the “free citizens of Geneva,” as the Libertines later made it out to be. It was bringing the lives of the people of Geneva into conformity with the benefits of the gospel and the sanctions of biblical law. Wallace puts it this way,
His aim was also positive. The minutes of the consistory show only the negative side of the city discipline. Calvin’s program involved the active promotion of the good life by the exaltation of virtue. He encouraged the city fathers of Geneva not to become too absorbed with “law and order”. They were there to set up and maintain a good system of public education, to encourage wholesome culture, and to create, even by regulation, an environment for healthy social attitudes. He believed that good morals can be produced by good legislation and good social organization. His experiment proved in the long run that people who were carefully driven into living virtuously began to prefer virtue to vice.
Ronald Wallace, Calvin, Geneva, and the Reformation, 51
In summary, Calvin achieved his goal of social transformation by the following means: (1) through preaching and teaching the Word of God (twice every Lord’s Day and on several days throughout the week), (2) through the regular administration of the Lord’s Supper (in time this happened monthly), (3) through the regulating power of the Consistory (with weekly meetings on Thursday mornings), and (4) through the complementary and harmonious relationship that existed between the civil magistrates and the ecclesiastical authorities.
Section two of Wallace’s book deals with Calvin’s role as a Pastor and Churchman. Specifically, he set out to reform the church in such a way that it would not only uphold correct doctrine (orthodoxy), but it would also closely conform to biblical patterns of life (orthopraxy). This was a reconstruction project of the highest order.
Calvin thought of himself in relation to the Church as an architect of reconstruction. In the letter dedicating his Commentary on Isaiah to King Edward VI he described the state of the Church. It had become like the ruined temple of God, utterly deformed, having lost all the glory of the early centuries of its life. But God had begun to raise it up so that men might begin again to see the beauty and glory of the former outline, and Calvin describes himself as one of many inconsiderable persons selected by God “as architects to promote the work of pure doctrine”. In his important letter to the King of Poland, he refers again to his call to “buildup he Church now lying deformed among the ruins of Popery.”
Ronald Wallace, Calvin, Geneva, and the Reformation, 134
Calvin did not just promote his ideology on paper, but he actually implemented it in Geneva and demonstrated to others that his plan could work. He cared for the welfare of the people by visiting them in their own homes, and by training-up others who would share in this on-going responsibility (e.g. Ruling Elders and Deacons). Wallace says,
Moreover if he has a true pastoral concern for those to whom he is preaching he will seek not to fail to visit them in their homes. Calvin believed that Paul gave a pattern for the ministry of the Word when he spoke of how he did not cease to admonish both “publicly” and “from house to house”. “Whatever others may think,” Calvin wrote, “we do not regard our office as bound within so narrow limits that when the sermon is delivered we may rest as if our task was done. They whose blood will be required of us if lost through our slothfulness, are to be cared for much more closely and vigilantly.
Ronald Wallace, Calvin, Geneva, and the Reformation, 173
What of Calvin’s role as a Theologian? Much could be said, but it is important to note that Calvin did not pursue theology because he delighted in abstract thinking, biblical speculation, and dwelling on lofty subjects over and above the ordinary Christian. Instead, Wallace suggests a more personal motivation. He states,
Theology for Calvin, was always an affair of the heart. Christianity, he insisted “is a doctrine not of the tongue but of the life and is not apprehended merely by the intellect and memory, like other sciences, but is received only when it possesses the whole soul, and finds its seat and habitation in the innermost recesses of the heart” [Institutes 3:6:4].
Ronald Wallace, Calvin, Geneva, and the Reformation, 233
And again, Wallace perceptively declares,
Therefore the theological quest involves the theologian not simply in an effort to know about God but also in a growing desire for union and communion with God himself. Even as we meditate, for example, on the nature of the Trinity we are reminded by Calvin that God offers himself to our faith not only to be heard and tested, by to be contemplated, and we are urged to “look upon the one God, to unite with him, and to cleave to him” [Institutes 1:13:2, 1:13:16].
Ronald Wallace, Calvin, Geneva, and the Reformation, 234
Upon what did Calvin build his theology? He could have started with a scathing critique of all the medieval scholastic theologians and then moved on to what was wrong with the church in his time. Yet he does not fall into this purely negative approach. Rather, he consciously and purposefully bases his theology upon the Word of God. And from this unassailable foundation, he constructs a timeless pastoral methodology that is immune to philosophical speculation and the ever-changing trends of contemporary theology.
His theology was a theology of the Word of God. It can be argued that his contemporary influence was as much due to the circulation of his Commentaries as to the Institutes, which after all he regarded simply as a key to help people to know what to look for in the scriptures. His chief aim, therefore, as a theologian was simply to give a faithful and systematic account of what he himself had found there.
Ronald Wallace, Calvin, Geneva, and the Reformation, 222
Hence, I find that Dr. Ronald Wallace has very capably revealed Calvin’s role as a social worker, churchman, pastor, and theologian. He does this with numerous citations from the Institutes, the Commentaries, and the Letters. I appreciated his emphasis on Calvin’s pastoral ministry and his passion in presenting his research. I have read this book several times and continue to dip into it from time to time. In brief, I highly recommend it.
Subscript: This is the one book in all my reading on John Calvin’s role as a Pastor that deeply delves into the specifics of Calvin’s pastoral theology; and so, over the years it has been of immense interest and value to me. Inspired by Wallace’s perceptive book, I completed my own doctoral dissertation on Calvin’s pastoral theology at Covenant Theological Seminary (DMin, 2011). Several notable quotations from Wallace’s book find a prominent place in my dissertation, “Seeking the Old Paths: Towards a Recovery of John Calvin’s Pastoral Theology Amongst Reformed and Presbyterian Pastors Today.”
Wendel, Francois. Calvin: Origins and Development of His Religious Thought. Translated by Philip Mairet. Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1950. Reprint, Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Books, 1997. [383 pages]
Reviewed by Dr. Marcus J. Serven
This is the one book that everyone who writes on the subject of Calvin’s thought likes to quote from. Over the past twenty-five years I found myself regularly coming across footnotes referring to Wendel’s Calvin: Origins and Development of His Religious Thought. Since I do not read French—nor could I find an English edition at the theological bookstores I frequented—it became a personal quest to find a copy of Wendel’s book in English. Perhaps, the academic attraction to this book is due to Wendel’s European credentials. He served as the Dean of the Protestant Faculty of Theology at Strasbourg for many years during the last century. In that capacity he developed into one of the foremost European scholars on the history and literature of the Reformation. This present volume is the capstone of his efforts. At any rate, my joy knew no bounds when I received a book catalogue in the fall of 1996 advertising an English edition to be published by Baker Books. I immediately ordered the book at its pre-publication price. Finally, after waiting for three months the much wanted book arrived in the mail! I grabbed my coat and went down to my favorite coffee shop and dove right into the book. I was not disappointed, as Wendel sparkles in his academic expertise on all things related to Calvin and in his easy to read prose.
The book divides neatly into two parts: (1) a one-hundred and seven page biographical outline of Calvin’s life; and (2) a two-hundred and fifty-two page investigation of his central theological doctrines (based upon the Institutes, Calvin’s Commentaries, Calvin’s Sermons, Calvin’s Letters, and the writings of other Reformation personalities such as Theodore Beza, Martin Bucer, Martin Luther, and Phillip Melanchthon,). Professor Wendel has a wonderful grasp of the secondary literature and gives numerous citations from past and current Calvin scholars.
Calvin as a young man
Two particular questions that I have always wondered about were these: (1) “How exactly did the Institutes of the Christian Religion come about?”, and (2) “Why did the Institutes develop and grow over time through its successive editions?” Wendel gives a whole stream of answers to the second of these two questions, plus he thoroughly answers a variation of the first question by considering “What were Calvin’s sources for the Institutes?” The Bible was certainly Calvin’s primary source, as the Institutes absolutely brims with biblical citations wherein Calvin demonstrates his comprehensive understanding of its most significant doctrines. Beyond that, references from the secular Greek philosophers such as: Plato, Aristotle, Seneca, Themistius, and Cicero abound. Also, quotations and allusions from the early Church Fathers: Chrysostom, Cyril, Origin, Tertullian, Irenaeus, Athanasius, Eusebius, and Augustine; and well-known medieval theologians such as: Anselm, Lombard, Bernard of Clairvaux, Aquinas, Duns Scotus, and Ockham are also clearly evident. At the time Luther’s pamphlets were readily available, as well as his Larger and Shorter Catechisms. Moreover, Phillip Melanchthon’s work of dogmatics, Loci Communes, had been in print since 1521, with a new edition appearing in 1535. Undoubtedly Calvin profited from reading these materials and wrestling with their central theses, yet he also saw the urgent need for a fresh treatment of the basic theological beliefs of the Reformation.
Here is my own well-worn copy of Calvin’s masterwork: The Institutes of the Christian Religion (1559) plus a fine devotional volume by Dr. David Calhoun expounding it.
From early November 1533, once he became a fugitive, Calvin evidently had time to reflect upon the necessity of producing a book that would thoroughly explain the doctrines of the Evangelical movement. Perhaps, he laid the initial foundations for this project in his mind while riding on his horse and seeking a place of refuge. Or, perhaps the motivating event was that he heard a report about the “Affair of the Placards” and the subsequent martyrdom of many of his personal friends in Paris (October 17-18, 1534). Surely, he was strongly motivated not only by his own suffering, but also the gruesome deaths of those whom he knew and loved. It is with the last thought in mind that Calvin resolved to address his Preface to King Francis 1st in the hope that he might persuade the French King to a more moderate attitude towards the Protestant cause. In this Preface he demonstrated his skills as a well-trained lawyer, through careful argumentation, and as an articulate and convinced theologian, through his passionate defense of biblical orthodoxy. At some point, likely in January of 1535, Calvin determined that he should be the one to actually produce the Institutes. Most of Calvin’s biographers look to Louis du Tillet’s library in Angouleme, France as the place of genesis. It was there, apparently, during the winter months that Calvin began outlining the Institutes of the Christian Religion, conducting his research, and writing his initial drafts. In this sense, this library became Calvin’s “Wartburg”. One year later, in January of 1536 we find Calvin dwelling in Basle with Oswald Myconius where he completed his “little book” and finally submitted it for publication. About this first edition Wendel states,
The first edition of the Institutes of the Christian Religion was published in March 1536 by the Basle printers Thomas Platter and Balthasar Lasius. This was in one volume of 516 pages of small format, such as could be easily slipped into the vast pockets of the clothes then worn. The work at that time consisted of six chapters: the first four were devoted to the Law, the Creed, the Lord’s Prayer, and the sacraments of baptism and the Lord’s Supper—which was the classic order of Luther’s Catechisms. And the work was, in fact, conceived as a catechism; that is what the publishers and Calvin himself called it. A fifth and a sixth chapter, one dealing with false Sacraments and the other with the liberty of the Christian, were inspired by the special reasons which had also given birth to the ‘Epistle to the King’ printed at the head of the work.
Francois Wendel, Calvin, 112
The success of this first publication of the Institutes must have been considerable, for we learn that the copies of this first edition were completely exhausted in less than a year after it had appeared. This is all the more noteworthy of consideration since the book was written in Latin, and its appeal was therefore limited to a relatively small cultured public who could read Latin. Later editions, in both Latin and French, are fully chronicled by Wendel with all the salient details of their publication. Finally, of course, Calvin is able to produce the penultimate Latin edition of 1559 and the French edition of 1560. Wendel notes,
Yet whatever its defects, this edition of the 1559-1560 remains monumental work; truly a theological summa of Reformed Protestantism. Even in Calvin’s lifetime its success was immense, and it was never discredited afterwards. It was indubitably one of the causes of the very rapid rise of a Calvinist orthodoxy, strictly adherent to the formulas of the Institutes, which even the later controversies have only with difficulty managed to modify.
Francois Wendel, Calvin, 122
On the lasting influence of those ultimate editions, Wendel favorably quotes the opinion of Imbart de La Tour who published his own study on Calvin in 1935,
The whole of Calvinism is in the Institutes—a work of capital importance, the work most valued by Calvin, who spent all his life revising and reshaping as well as enriching it. All his other works—commentaries, controversies, smaller dogmatic or moral treatises—are related to it like advanced redoubts meant to defend the heart against the enemy.
Imbart de La Tour, Calvin et l’Institution Cretienne, 55; quoted by Francois Wendel, Calvin, 111
In conclusion, I believe that Wendel’s volume, Calvin: Origins and Development of His Religious Thought, is one of the most significant Calvin studies of the past century. It may in time be surpassed by Derek Thomas and John Tweeddale’s penetrating and comprehensive volume, John Calvin: For A New Reformation (2019); but only time will tell if that becomes true. In the meantime, though, I sincerely expect that I will return to Wendel’s book many times over to consider the constituent elements of the Institutes, and to dive deep into a cogent analysis of Calvin’s thought. Now I know why everyone likes to quote from this book; it is simply a goldmine of material on Calvin and the development of his thinking.
I am most grateful that Baker Books chose to reprint the English edition of Wendel’s book in 1996. Reading it laid the foundation for my own doctoral work on Calvin’ pastoral theology that I would commence ten years later in 2006. Wendel’s Calvin: Origins and Development of His Religious Thought reveals much about the Reformer that would be very difficult to discover apart from the exhaustive research contained in this noteworthy volume. In summary, I say “Bravo!” for a superlative study on Calvin and his theological development.
By anyone’s measure John Calvin’s Institutes of the Christian Religion, especially the mature 1559 edition, is a historically significant Reformed treatise that has greatly shaped the ministerial practice of Protestant churches worldwide. In it Calvin extensively addresses the doctrine of the church (Book 4, Chapters 1-12). This lengthy section within Calvin’s Institutes, entitled “The True Church,” is foundational to virtually every other theological tome written on ecclesiastical concerns over the past four hundred and fifty years. For this reason alone, it is important for modern-day Christians to understand Calvin’s thinking on ecclesiology and how his principles of ministry flow out from the text of the Bible. Rather than inventing new practices and procedures for leading the church, modern-day church leaders would benefit from reading one of the great theologians of the past—and one who was also an indefatigable shepherd to the flock in Geneva, Switzerland.
Its Context:
The context of Calvin’s ministry is not to be overlooked when evaluating his doctrinal teaching on the church. He lived at a time of tremendous transition when many of the social institutions that had seemed so stable in his childhood—home, church, and nation—were undergoing significant changes. During this time serious efforts at religious reform were taking place in Germany, France, England, Holland, and Switzerland. It is also important to observe that Calvin was preceded by several notable reformers: Martin Luther (1483-1546), Martin Bucer (1491-1551), William Tyndale (1494-1536), and Jacques Lefevre d’Etaples (1455-1536). Each one of these men lived and ministered during the first wave of the Reformation (approx. 1505-1535). John Calvin (1509-1564), however, lived and ministered during the second wave and consequently benefited from the biblical insights and publications of these older more mature men. For example, when Calvin came to Geneva, Switzerland during the summer of 1536 two tenacious reformers, William Farel (1489-1565) and Pierre Viret (1511-1571), were already fully engaged at preaching in this strategic city. Calvin teamed up with them to bring about the reform of the Genevan church and a change in the morals of the people of Geneva. The efforts of Farel, Viret, and Calvin were not always welcomed by the populace. After two years of arduous ministerial labor they were removed from their positions by the Genevan Small Council in 1538 and forced to relocate to other cities. At the invitation of Martin Bucer, Calvin settled in Strasbourg and became a pastor to a French-speaking congregation of refugees. While there he received many profitable insights from the older and more experienced Martin Bucer on the nature of the church—its head, its worship, its structure, and its pastoral care. He also found a wife, marrying the widow Idellette de Bure in 1540. A year later, in 1541, Calvin was invited back to Geneva and ministered there for the next twenty-three years until his death in 1564. His ministry was filled with endless controversies, difficulties, and trials. Yet, through his steady perseverance, and God’s blessing, Calvin and the other reforming pastors who joined him were able to witness remarkable changes in the morals of the city and a progressive strengthening of the Genevan church. Some of Calvin’s greatest achievements—the adoption of the Genevan Catechism (1545), the establishment of the Genevan Academy (1559), the publication of the Geneva Bible (1560), and the completion of a metrical Psalter (1561)—were significant in advancing his overall goal of reforming the Genevan Church. In addition, these achievements resulted in changing the morals of the people of Geneva, so much so, that John Knox referred to Geneva as “the most perfect school since the Apostles. In other places, I confess Christ to be truly preached; but manners and religion so sincerely reformed, I have not seen in any other place.” (Sefton, John Knox, 22)
Its Elements:
What are some of the key elements for Calvin’s doctrine of the church? First of all, Calvin presupposes that, “We must leave to God alone the knowledge of his church, whose foundation is his secret election” (Institutes 4:1:1). Calvin understood that true believers within the church are members solely by God’s electing grace. The election of believers is unconditional, Calvin would argue, in that the elect do not deserve it by their family background, earn it by their efforts of personal reformation, nor warrant it by their individual decision to follow Jesus Christ (cf. John 1:12-13). God alone, gets the glory in the matter of election. Secondly, those within the church experience a deep sense of community that is missing from other organizations in the world. Calvin goes on to explain,
This clause (the communion of saints), though generally omitted by the ancients, ought not to be overlooked, for it very well expresses what the church is. It is as if one said that the saints are gathered into the society of Christ on the principles that whatever benefits God confers upon them, they would in turn share with one another. This does not, however, rule out a diversity of graces, inasmuch as we know the gifts of the Spirit are variously distributed. Nor is civil order disturbed, which allows each individual to own his private possessions, since it is necessary to keep peace among men that the ownership of property should be distinct and personal among them. But a community is affirmed, such as Luke describes, in which the heart and soul of the multitude of believers are one [Acts 4:32]; and such as Paul has in mind when he urges the Ephesians to be “one body and one Spirit, just as” they “were called in one hope” [Eph. 4:4]. If truly convinced that God is the common Father of all and Christ the common Head, being united in brotherly love, they cannot but share their benefits with one another.
John Calvin, Institutes 4:1:3
In addition, Calvin readily acknowledged that the church is both invisible and visible in its nature. It is invisible in that it is made up only of those who are divinely elected by God. On the other hand, the church is visible in that its activities, its buildings, and its people are evident to themselves and to a watching world. He affirms that not all who are part of the visible church are of the elect—in other words, there are weeds mixed in amongst the wheat. Jesus teaches this basic truth about his church in Matthew 13:24-30, and 36-43. Calvin clearly develops his view from Jesus’ teaching. Calvin also taught that since God is his “father,” then the church of God is surely his “mother.” He persuasively wrote,
Because it is now our intention to discuss the visible church, let us learn even from the simple title “mother” how useful, indeed how necessary, it is that we should know her. For there is no other way to enter into life unless this mother conceive us in her womb, give us birth, nourish us at her breast, and lastly, unless she keep us under her care and guidance until, putting off mortal flesh, we become like the angels [Matt. 22:30]. Our weakness does not allow us to be dismissed from her school until we have been pupils all our lives. Furthermore, away from her bosom one cannot hope for any forgiveness of sins or any salvation, as Isaiah [Isa. 37:32] and Joel [Joel 2:32] testify…By these words God’s fatherly favor and the especial witness of spiritual life are limited to his flock, so that it is always disastrous to leave the church.
John Calvin, Institutes 4:1:4
This understanding of the church, as “mother,” demonstrates the significant role that the church plays in the life of the believer—she gives birth, nourishes, protects, and cares for her children. In essence, Calvin believed that the church should receive the same affection and honor that an earthly mother receives from a grateful son or daughter.
Another prominent element of Calvin’s ecclesiology is the concept of the “marks” of the true church (notae ecclesiae). Calvin identifies the two “marks” that are found in the Bible as follows,
The pure ministry of the Word and pure mode of celebrating the Sacraments are, as we say, sufficient pledge and guarantee that we may safely embrace as church any society in which both of these marks exist. The principle extends to the point that we must not reject it so long as it retains them, even if it otherwise swarms with many faults.
John Calvin, Institutes 4:1:12
These are the evidences that Christians must look for when evaluating a church. During the Reformation many who came to saving faith found themselves awkwardly connected to churches whose “marks” were questionable. Calvin urged his readers to not be too quick in separating from such churches. He recognized that all churches, to one degree or another, have faults. Some faults may be “doctrinal,” and other faults may be due to “what displeases us.” Hence, special care is necessary when departing from a church so that decency and order are maintained. Calvin contends,
What is more, some fault may creep into the administration of either doctrine or Sacraments. But this ought not to estrange us from communion with the church…But I say we must not thoughtlessly forsake the church because of any petty dissensions. For in it alone is kept safe and uncorrupted, that doctrine in which piety stands sound and the use of the Sacraments ordained by the Lord is guarded. In the meantime, if we try to correct what displeases us, we do so out of duty. Paul’s statement applies to this: “If a better revelation is made to another sitting by, let the first be silent” [1 Corinthians 14:30]. From this it is clear that every member of the church is charged with the responsibility of public edification according to the measure of his grace, provided he perform it decently and in order. That is, we are neither to renounce the communion of the church nor, remaining in it, to disturb its peace and duly ordered discipline.
John Calvin, Institutes 4:1:12
In addition, Calvin acknowledges that churches should not be abandoned because of “trivial errors,” but only when those errors harm or destroy the “chief articles of religion.” He explains,
It has already been explained how much we ought to value that ministry of the Word and Sacraments, and how far our reverence for it should go, that it may be to us a perpetual token by which to distinguish the church. That is, wherever the ministry remains whole and uncorrupted, no moral faults or diseases prevent it from bearing the name ‘church’. Secondly, it is not so weakened by trivial errors as not to be esteemed lawful. We have, moreover, shown that the errors which ought to be pardoned are those which do not harm the chief doctrine of religion, which do not destroy the articles of religion on which all believers ought to agree; and with regard to the Sacraments, those which do not abolish or throw down the lawful institution of the Author.
John Calvin, Institutes 4:2:1
Thus, Calvin places a high value on the church of Jesus Christ. Although it may have many faults, it ought not to be abandoned for insignificant reasons; but instead serious efforts of reformation should be made so that it might bring glory to God once again.
Its Organization:
Calvin understood that the ministry of church leaders is one of the ordinary means for accomplishing spiritual growth in the members of the church (cf. Acts 20:17-34; Eph. 4:11-12; 1 Tim. 3:1-13). In other words, the officers of the church—pastors, teachers, elders, and deacons—are used by God to advance the spiritual maturity of every member. Calvin declared,
Paul writes that Christ, “that he might fill all things,” appointed some to be “apostles, some prophets, some evangelists, some pastors and teachers, for the equipment of the saints, for the work of the ministry, for the building up of the body of Christ, until we all reach the unity of the faith and of the knowledge of the Son of God, to perfect manhood, to the measure of the fully mature age of Christ” [Eph. 4:10-13, Comm., but cf. also Vg.]. We see how God, who could in a moment perfect his own, nevertheless desires them to grow up into manhood solely under the education of the church. We see the way set for it: the preaching of the heavenly doctrine has been enjoined upon the pastors. We see that all are brought under the same regulation, that with a gentle and teachable spirit they may allow themselves to be governed by teachers appointed to this function.
John Calvin, Institutes 4:1:5
Calvin teaches that there are four offices in the true church—pastors, teachers, elders, and deacons. He reasons that the Lord could have supernaturally transformed men and women by means of his Spirit, but instead God has chosen to use the means of a “ministry of men to declare openly his will to us.” This ministerial authority and power is delegated by the head of the church, the Lord Jesus Christ. Hence, when pastors, teachers, elders, and deacons carry out their ministries, they do so under the watchful eye of the head of the church. They are required to give an account of their ministerial labors to the heavenly Master—have they fed the sheep, rescued those who have strayed, and protected the sheep from wild predators who would do them harm? In as much as the officers of the church conduct themselves in an honorable fashion then they are blessed by God for their efforts. Calvin further notes,
Now we must speak of the order by which the Lord willed his church to be governed. He alone should rule and reign in the church as well as have authority or pre-eminence in it, and this authority should be exercised and administered by his Word alone. Nevertheless, because he does not dwell among us in visible presence [Matt. 26:11], we have said that he uses the ministry of men to declare openly his will to us by mouth, as a sort of delegated work, not by transferring to them his right and honor, but only that through their mouths he may do his own work—just as a workman uses a tool to do his work.
John Calvin, Institutes 4:3:3
Calvin thoughtfully describes the particular duties of pastors, teachers, elders, and deacons to great degree in the Institutes. Here are his observations regarding the responsibilities of pastors. He writes,
Here, then, is the sovereign power with which the pastors of the church, by whatever name they be called, ought to be endowed. That is that they may dare boldly to do all things by God’s Word; may compel all worldly power, glory, wisdom, and exaltation to yield to and obey his majesty; supported by his power, may command all from the highest even to the last; may build up Christ’s household and cast down Satan’s; may feed the sheep and drive away the wolves; may instruct and exhort the teachable; may accuse, rebuke, and subdue the rebellious and stubborn; may bind and loose; finally, if need be, may launch thunderbolts and lightnings; but do all things in God’s Word.
John Calvin, Institutes 4:8:9
In addition, Calvin wrote that a pastor should avoid thinking that the only duty he has to fulfill is to preach from the pulpit; he is also to exercise the care of a shepherd for his flock. He powerfully remarks,
Christ did not ordain pastors on the principle that they only teach the Church in a general way on the public platform, but that they care for the individual sheep, bring back the wandering and scattered to the fold, bind up the broken and crippled, heal the sick, support the frail and weak.
John Calvin,Commentary on Acts 20:20
Moreover, pastoral ministry is not to be seen as an itinerant office that travels from place to place, but it is one which cares for a specific flock of believers in a fixed location. Calvin argues that pastors can “aid other churches” as occasion dictates, but that primarily a pastor focuses his energy upon his own flock.
Although we assign to each pastor his church, at the same time we do not deny that a pastor bound to one church can aid other churches—either if any disturbances occur which require his presence, or if advice be sought from him concerning some obscure matter…Consequently, this arrangement ought to be observed as generally as possible: that each person, content with his own limits, should not break over into another man’s province.
John Calvin, Institutes 4:3:7
In regards to the deacon Calvin gives the following description of his responsibilities,
The care of the poor was entrusted to the deacons. However two kinds are mentioned in the letter to the Romans: “He that gives, let him do it with simplicity;…he that shows mercy, with cheerfulness” [Rom. 12:8]. Since it is certain that Paul is speaking of the public office of the church, there must have been two distinct grades. Unless my judgment deceive me, in the first clause he designates the deacons who distribute the alms. But the second refers to those who had devoted themselves to the care of the poor and the sick…If we accept this (as it must be accepted), there will be two kinds of deacons: one to serve the church in administering the affairs of the poor; the other, in caring for the poor themselves. But even though the term diakonia itself has a wider application, Scripture specifically designates as deacons those whom the church has appointed to distribute alms and take care of the poor.
John Calvin, Institutes 4:3:9
The offices of the true church should not be taken upon oneself without the endorsement of a church. These offices necessarily involve receiving an outward call, or public invitation, to minister in a local church by its own members. In addition, ordination signifies that a man is set aside for sacred service within Christ’s church. In these following quotations Calvin explains ministerial calling and ordination.
Therefore, in order that noisy and troublesome men should not rashly take upon themselves to teach or to rule (which might otherwise happen), especial care was taken that no one should assume public office in the church without being called.
John Calvin, Institutes 4:3:10
I am speaking of the outward and solemn call which has to do with the public order of the church. I pass over that secret call, of which each minister is conscious before God, and which does not have the church as witness.
John Calvin, Institutes 4:3:11
There remains the rite of ordination, to which we have given the last place in the call. It is clear that when the apostles admitted any man to the ministry, they used no other ceremony than the laying on of hands. (Institutes 4:3:16)
John Calvin, Institutes 4:3:16
Although there exists no set precept for the laying on of hands, because we see it in continual use with the apostles, their very careful observance ought to serve in lieu of a precept. And surely it is useful for the dignity of the ministry to be commended to the people by this sort of sign, as also to warn the one ordained that he is no longer a law unto himself, but bound in servitude to God and the church.
John Calvin, Institutes 4:3:16
These statements by Calvin demonstrate the way in which he elevates the outward call to ministry. It is a serious matter for a man to be called to serve Christ’s church, and his calling must be outwardly confirmed by the local church. It should never solely be a matter of an inner call, or “secret call,” which is only between that man and God. Church officers should be confirmed by a public calling.
Its Worship:
The true church also has the responsibility to regulate its worship by the Word of God. This does not mean, Calvin argues, that specific forms of worship are to be needlessly perpetuated “for all ages,” but that changes in the forms of worship can be carefully “accommodated to the customs of each nation and age.” His method for making changes to the order of worship is, first and foremost, to measure all such changes by the Holy Scriptures. Secondly, that those who are responsible for making changes to the order of worship genuinely love God so that the Lord is supremely glorified by this change. Thirdly, to love the people so that any changes in the worship service do not “hurt” them, but rather “edify” them. Calvin explains this method in the following manner,
[the Master] did not will in outward discipline and ceremonies to prescribe in detail what we ought to do (because he foresaw that this depended upon the state of the times, and he did not deem one form suitable for all ages), here we must take refuge in those general rules which he has given, that whatever the necessity of the church will require for order and decorum should be tested against these. Lastly, because he has taught nothing specifically, and because these things are not necessary to salvation, and for the upbuilding of the church ought to be variously accommodated to the customs of each nation and age, it will be fitting (as the advantage of the church will require) to change and abrogate traditional practices and to establish new ones. Indeed, I admit that we ought not to charge into innovation rashly, suddenly, for insufficient cause. But love will best judge what may hurt or edify; and if we let love be our guide, all will be safe.
John Calvin, Institutes 4:10:30
In this way, the worship of God remains pure, but it is also sensitive to the culture of the people. Calvin writes in other books and tracts more specific principles and policies regarding the worship of God. In particular, his short treatise, The Necessity of Reforming the Church, makes a strong appeal to regulate worship “only to his voice.” Calvin forcefully argues,
Moreover, the rule which distinguishes between pure and vitiated worship is of universal application, in order that we do not adopt any device which seems fit to ourselves, but look to the injunctions of him who alone is entitled to prescribe. Therefore, if we would have him to approve our worship, this rule, which he everywhere enforces with the utmost strictness, must be carefully observed. For there is a twofold reason why the Lord, in condemning and prohibiting fictitious worship, requires us to give obedience only to his voice. First, it tends greatly to establish his authority that we do not follow our own pleasure, but depend entirely on his sovereignty; and secondly, such is our folly, that when we are left at liberty, all we are able to do is to go astray. And they when once we have turned aside from the right path, there is not end to our wanderings, until we get buried under a multitude of superstitions.
John Calvin, The Necessity of Reforming the Church, 17
Hence, churches within the Calvinistic tradition have sought to regulate their worship services according to the Scriptural elements, the forms that are acceptable to God, and the circumstances of the church which may require minor variations in liturgy, place, and time.
Its Discipline:
How does the church maintain purity in the lives of its members? Our Lord established a government for his church—specifically he set in place a means of discipline. The officers of the church have received “the keys” of the kingdom and are required by the Lord to “keep watch over the souls” of their congregants (Matt. 16:19-20, 18:15-20; Heb. 13:17). With this thought in mind, Calvin soberly notes,
For this purpose courts of judgment were established in the church from the beginning to deal with the censure of morals, to investigate vices, and to be charged with the exercise of the office of the keys…Now these admonitions and corrections cannot be made without investigation of the cause; accordingly, some court of judgment and order of procedure are needed. Therefore, if we do not wish to make void the promise of the keys and banish excommunication, solemn warnings, and such things, we must give the church some jurisdiction.
John Calvin, Institutes 4:11:1
Hence, the officers of the church must approach the exercise of church discipline with much care and thoughtfulness. Offenses must be investigated, and disciplinary actions must fit the sin. It would be easy for church offers to become arbitrary and heavy-handed in their disciplinary actions. Thus, it is essential for church officers to recall that they are acting in the name of Jesus Christ, the head of the church.
Discipline depends for the most part upon the power of the keys and upon spiritual jurisdiction…But because some persons, in their hatred of discipline, recoil from its very name, let them understand this: if no society, indeed, no house which has even a small family, can be kept in proper condition without discipline, it is much more necessary in the church, whose condition should be as ordered as possible. Accordingly, as the saving doctrine of Christ is the soul of the church, so does discipline serve as its sinews, through which the members of the body hold together, each in its own place. Therefore, all who desire to remove discipline or to hinder its restoration—whether they do this deliberately or out of ignorance—are surely contributing to the ultimate dissolution of the church….Therefore, discipline is like a bridle to restrain and tame those who rage against the doctrine of Christ; or like a spur to arouse those of little inclination; and also sometimes like a father’s rod to chastise mildly and with the gentleness of Christ’s spirit those who have more seriously lapsed.
John Calvin, Institutes 4:12:1
Calvin reminds all church officers that the purpose of disciplinary action is threefold—to expose sin, to protect the innocent, and to bring about repentance. He states,
In such corrections and excommunication, the church has three ends in view. The first is that they who lead a filthy and infamous life may not be called Christians, to the dishonor of God, as if his holy church [cf. Eph. 5:25-26] were a conspiracy of wicked and abandoned men…The second purpose is that the good be not corrupted by the constant company of the wicked, as so often happens…The third purpose is that those overcome by shame for their baseness begin to repent.
John Calvin, Institutes 4:12:5
Calvin differentiates between excommunicating a sinner and pronouncing an anathema upon a wicked and unrepentant person. Excommunication, he argues, holds the hope of repentance and restoration. Whereas, pronouncing an anathema upon a person suggests that there is no possible restoration. In this way, Calvin shows the different approach to church discipline between Protestants (who excommunicate) and Roman Catholics (who pronounce an anathema). Calvin explains,
For when Christ promises that what his people ‘bind on earth shall be bound in heaven’ [Matt. 18:18], he limits the force of binding to ecclesiastical censure. By this those who are excommunicated are not cast into everlasting ruin and damnation, but in hearing that their life and morals are condemned, they are assured of the everlasting condemnation unless they repent. Excommunication differs from anathema in that the latter, taking away all pardon, condemns and consigns a man to eternal destruction; the former, rather, avenges and chastens his moral conduct. And although excommunication also punishes the man, it does so in such a way that, by forewarning him of his future condemnation, it may call him back to salvation.
John Calvin, Institutes 4:12:10
Calvin’s clear preference is that excommunication offers the safest way to properly order the church when it comes to dealing with sin and sinners. Eternal judgment is left to God alone. As his agents, church officers exercise discipline with much soberness and care, always prayerfully hoping for the repentance and restoration of the sinner. The gospel of forgiveness is preeminent in Calvin’s ecclesiology.
In Conclusion:
Much more is said about the doctrine of the church in Calvin’s masterful Institutes of the Christian Religion. For example, Calvin gives a detailed explanation of the ancient church—its people, its practices, and its patterns (Institutes 4:5-7). He also records the key developments in the Roman Catholic Church that have led to serious departures from orthodoxy and abuses in orthopraxy (Institutes 4:8-10). The church councils of the Middle Ages receive a careful evaluation under Calvin’s critical eye, and he finds a lot of trickery, deception, and abuse in the decisions of those councils (Institutes 4:9). Finally, Calvin explains the practice of fasting, and the Christian liberty of marriage for the clergy (Institutes 4:12:15-28). Church leaders who have served congregations within the Calvinistic tradition have adopted a saying that summarizes Calvin’s attitude toward the true church; it is, “The church reformed and always being reformed” (Latin: ecclesia reformata semper reformanda). The true church always measures itself by the eternal Word of God, and thus, it constantly reforms itself as circumstances occur in the expansion of Christ’s kingdom here on earth.
Calvin’s doctrine of the church in his Institutes of the Christian Religion is historical and comprehensive (Book 4, Chapters 1-12). Some critics might contend that his treatment of the doctrine of the church is woefully out of touch with modern-day issues and concerns. I believe, however, that all of the basic principles for properly ordering Christ’s church can be found within its many pages and chapters. I highly recommend it to others, and highly regard it for my own study and reflection on how the church should be advanced, led, and organized. May the Lord Jesus Christ bless his church.
Select Bibliography:
Calvin, John. Calvin’s Commentaries. 46 vols. Various translators. Edinburgh, Scotland: Calvin Translation Society, 1847-55; reprint edit. in 22 vols., Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Book House, 1998. See: Vol. XIX, Commentary on Acts 20:20.
Calvin, John. Institutes of the Christian Religion. John T. McNeil, ed. Ford Lewis Battles, trans. 2 vol. Philadelphia, PA: The Westminster Press, 1960. See: Book 4, Chapters 1-12.
Calvin, John. The Necessity of Reforming the Church. Dallas, TX: Protestant Heritage Press, Reprint, 1995.
George, Timothy, ed. John Calvin & the Church: A Prism of Reform. Louisville, KY: Westminster/John Knox Press, 1990. See the following chapters:
“The Church as the Elect in the Theology of Calvin” by David N. Wiley
“The Place of the Academy in Calvin’s Polity” by Charles E. Raynal III
“Calvin’s Teaching on the Elder Illuminated by Exegetical History” by Elsie Anne McKee
“Calvin’s Doctrine of the Proclamation of the Word and Its Significance Today” by John H. Leith
“John Calvin and the Prophetic Criticism of Worship” by Hughes Oliphant Old
McKim, Donald, ed. Encyclopedia of the Reformed Faith. Louisville, KY: Westminster/John Knox Press, 1992. See the following informative articles:
“Calvin, John” by Hughes Oliphant Old
“Calvinism” by W. Stanford Reid
“Church” by Jack L. Stotts
“Deacons” by Elsie Anne McKee
“Discipline, Church” by J. Wayne Baker
“Ecclesiastical Ordinances” by Robert D. Linder
“Elders” by Elsie Anne McKee
“Geneva Academy” by Robert M. Kingdon
“Geneva Bible” by Dan G. Danner
“Geneva Catechism” by Charles Partee
“Geneva Company of Pastors” by Robert M. Kingdon
“Genevan Consistory” by Robert M. Kingdon
“Genevan Reformation” by Robert M. Kingdon
“Pastoral Theology” by Andrew Purves
“Psalmody” by LindaJo McKim
“Theology, Reformed” by John H. Leith
“Worship” by Hughes Oliphant Old
McNeil, John T. The History and Character of Calvinism. London, England: Oxford University Press, 1954.
Sefton, Henry R. John Knox: An Account of the Development of His Spirituality. Edinburgh, Scotland: Saint Andrew Press, 1993.
Wallace, Ronald S. Calvin, Geneva, and the Reformation: “A Study of Calvin as Social Worker, Churchman, Pastor and Theologian. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Book House, 1988.
Zachman, Randall C. John Calvin as Teacher, Pastor, and Theologian. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Academic, 2006.
Dr. Marcus J. Serven, ThM and DMin
The Genevan Foundation – Copyright 2015 – All Rights Preserved
“You are the light of the world. A city set on a hill cannot be hidden.” (Matthew 5:14)
“God is light, and in him is no darkness at all.” (1 John 1:5)
John Calvin as a young man
During the balmy summer days of July, 1536 the twenty-seven year old John Calvin (1509-1564) was on his way from France into exile in Strasbourg, Germany. As he quickly sped along the stone-paved main highway with his younger brother Anthony and his half-sister Marie perhaps he asked himself, “Why are we fleeing?” Calvin lived during the tumultuous days of the Reformation when any man who rejected the teachings of the Roman Catholic Church was hunted-down, imprisoned, and often-times martyred. The cruel death in Paris of Calvin’s personal friend Stephen de La Forge in late 1534 made a significant impact upon his resolve to continue defending the evangelical cause. Thus, it was out of necessity that he flee from his native country to the safe-haven of Germany where he could write his books and carryout his biblical studies. On this hasty and clandestine journey Calvin was forced to detour from his initial route and travel a circuitous southern road through Geneva, Switzerland. At this time the armies of King Francis the 1st (1494-1547) were on extensive military maneuvers and every Protestant reformer (especially those of Calvin’s notoriety) would want to avoid the French troops at all costs. Calvin was rapidly becoming known as the author of a newly published treatise, Institutes of the Christian Religion (printed in Basle, March 1536). This potent book of only six short chapters was the clearest exposition yet of the basic doctrines of the Reformation. It was immediately identified as subversive literature by Roman Catholic scholars, yet the first edition sold out so quickly that another printing was eagerly sought by sympathetic readers. One modern theologian has thoughtfully stated,
Even from the point of view of mere literature, it holds a position so supreme in its class that every one who would fain know the world’s best books, must make himself familiar with it. What Thucydides is among the Greeks, or Gibbon among eighteenth-century English historians, what Plato is among philosophers, or the Iliad among epics, or Shakespeare among dramatists, that Calvin’s Institutes is among theological treatises.
Benjamin Warfield, Works, Vol. 5, 374
Guillaume Farel (1489-1565)
Calvin’s unplanned trek through Geneva figured to be one of the most significant turning-points of his life for it was here that he providentially met the zealous French missionary-evangelist Guillaume Farel (1489-1565). A few months prior to Calvin’s arrival in Geneva both Farel and Pierre Viret (1511-1571) participated in a formal debate with the leaders of Roman Catholic Church. As a result, on March 21, 1536 the city fathers voted decisively to reject the Roman Catholic faith and to recover the gospel as it was directly taught from the pages of the Bible. Following that signal victory Farel was strongly motivated to build a team of earnest and learned pastors to teach and preach biblical truth. He was especially eager to encourage someone of Calvin’s superior gifts to remain in Geneva to help with the reform effort then currently underway in the city. It was Calvin’s plan to remain only one night in Geneva, and so while eating dinner that evening at a local inn Calvin innocently remarked to Farel that he felt his place in life was to pursue a “quiet life of scholarship” in Strasbourg. Immediately, Farel stood up (some have suggested that he actually jumped on the table sending all of the dishes clattering to the floor in a loud series of crashes!), and with fiery eyes flashing and red-beard wagging he angrily denounced Calvin with an accusing finger shouting,
You are following your own wishes, and I declare, in the name of God Almighty, that if you do not assist us in this work of the Lord, the Lord will punish you for seeking your own interest rather than his.
Theodore Beza, Life of John Calvin, 29
Calvin was horrified by this impassioned denunciation and he timidly recoiled from the threat of divine judgment. Nevertheless, after reflecting on all that Farel had said, he determined to remain in Geneva and from that point on his ministry became inextricably tied to the city. He wrote later in the Preface to his Commentary on the Psalms, “I felt…as if God had from heaven laid His mighty hand upon me to arrest me from my course…I desisted from the journey which I had undertaken.” Thus, on September 5, 1536 when the Genevan City Council providentially appointed Calvin to be their “Professor of Sacred Literature” they probably had no idea that they were beginning a pastoral relationship with Calvin that would make a significant impact upon the whole Protestant world. Not all in Geneva were enthused about Calvin’s arrival, since he was a religious refugee from France, and they snidely referred to him in the minutes of the Genevan City Council as “ille Gallus” (or, “that Frenchman”). Yet, the sovereign Lord did indeed have a place of on-going ministry for Calvin, although it proved to be turbulent place filled with many troublesome people.
Calvin’s personal call to minister in Geneva was put to a serious test during the spring of 1538. The three pastors of Geneva, Calvin, Farel, and the blind and elderly Elie Courault (d. 1538), believed that the city was in so much turmoil over the efforts of reform that taking the Lord’s Supper would “profane so holy a mystery”. As Easter Sunday approached on April 21, 1538 the tension became so thick that Calvin reported more than sixty musket blasts shot off in front of his home late one night. Since the ministers stubbornly refused to offer the Lord’s Supper the Little Council voted to ban Calvin, Farel, and Courault from their pulpits. Despite this prohibition the ministers preached and did not serve the Lord’s Supper as they had been ordered to do. The next day the Little Council voted to oust the rebellious preachers. They gave them only three days to get their affairs in order and to leave the city. Theodore Beza recalls this chaotic time with Calvin’s own words,
This decision being intimated to Calvin, “Certainly”, says he, “…had I been the servant of men I had obtained a poor reward, but it is well that I have served Him who never fails to perform to his servants whatever he has promised.”
Theodore Beza, Life of John Calvin, 33
Martin Bucer (1491-1551)
Therefore, on April 25, 1538 the three unwanted ministers departed the city leaving behind all of the angry denunciations, jeers, and threats. After making unsuccessful appeals in Berne and Zurich, Calvin was uncertain of where to go next. He was eventually recruited by the seasoned reformer Martin Bucer (1491-1551) to come to Strasbourg and serve as pastor to a congregation of French refugees. While there Calvin married a lovely French widow, Idelette de Bure, and further deepened his ties to Strasbourg by representing the city at the Colloquy of Hagenau (June, 1540), Worms (November, 1540), and Ratisbon (April, 1541). These three ecumenical conferences exposed Calvin to the wider world of Reformation theology and brought about a life-long friendship with the irenic German reformer Philip Melanchthon (1497-1560). While living in Strasbourg he also regularly taught at an academy led by Johannes Sturm (1507-1589), and penned his first Bible commentary on Paul’s Letter to the Romans (1539). Overall, these were pleasurable and productive years, punctuated with only a few sorrows. It came as quite a surprise, then, when in the midst of this happy period an official summons came from the City Council of Geneva asking him to return. This unexpected request brought up all the deep personal wounds of his banishment and required that Calvin seriously reflect upon his ministerial call to serve the Lord in Geneva. He confided in an agonizing letter to Farel on October 27, 1540 his personal fears about returning to that disorderly city,
I have no doubt whatever that you have taken good care to apologize for me to those brethren who advised that I should return to Geneva, that I have not replied to them. For you are well aware how on that account I was thrown for two days into such perplexity and trouble of mind that I was scarcely half myself … Whenever I call to mind the state of wretchedness in which my life was spent when there, how can it be otherwise but that my very soul must shudder when any proposal is made for my return? … But, at the same time, while I call to mind by what torture my conscience was racked at that time, and with how much anxiety it was continually boiling over, pardon me if I dread that place as having about it somewhat of a fatality in my case … But now that by the favor of God I am delivered, should I be unwilling to plunge myself once more into the gulf and whirlpool which I have already found to be so dangerous and destructive, who would not excuse me?
John Calvin, Selected Works, Vol. 4, 210-212
Such frank correspondence continued back and forth between Calvin and his close confidants, Farel and Viret, for several months before it finally culminated in the decision that he would return to Geneva. There is little doubt, however, that an open letter written by Calvin from Strasbourg (September 1, 1539) and sent on Geneva’s behalf to Cardinal Jacopo Sadoleto (1477-1547) demonstrated the sterling value of Calvin’s ministry and scholarship. In it Calvin forcefully argued for the cause of the Reformation and rejected Sadoleto’s faulty reasoning as to why the city of Geneva should return to the Roman Catholic Church. Calvin began his reply in this way,
You lately addressed a Letter to the Senate and People of Geneva, in which you sounded their inclination as to whether, after having once shaken off the yoke of the Roman Pontiff, they would submit to have it again imposed upon them. In that letter, as it was not expedient to wound the feelings of those whose favor you required to gain your cause, you acted the part of a good pleader; for you endeavored to soothe them by abundance of flattery, in order that you might gain them to your views.
John Olin, ed., A Reformation Debate, 49-50
What was Calvin’s motive to enter into this theological disputation and contest of wills? After all, he had been forcibly removed from Geneva by the people’s rejection of his plan of reformation. The following autobiographical comment from his letter to Sadoleto reveals that Calvin still felt a very strong call by God to minister to the people of Geneva. His personal resolve was evident despite their rejection and his on-going ministry in Strasbourg. He notes with some passion,
But when I see that my ministry, which I feel assured is supported and sanctioned by a call from God, is wounded through my side, it would be perfidy, not patience, where I here to be silent and connive…For though I am for the present relieved of the charge of the Church of Geneva, that circumstance ought not to prevent me from embracing it with paternal affection—God, when He gave me the charge, having bound me to be faithful to it forever. Now, then, when I see the worst snares laid for that Church whose safety it has pleased the Lord to make my highest care, and grievous peril impending if not obviated, who will advise me to await the issue silent and unconcerned? How heartless, I ask, would it be to wink in idleness, and, as it were, vacillating at the destruction of one whose life you are bound vigilantly to guard and preserve? (Olin ed., A Reformation Debate, 50-51)
John Olin, ed., A Reformation Debate, 50-51
Calvin went on further to challenge Sadoleto’s claim that justification by faith was an unbalanced doctrine that left no place in the Christian life for good works. He showed Sadoleto’s view to be an error in the following quotation,
You, in the first place, touch upon justification by faith, the first and keenest subject of controversy between us. Is this a knotty and useless question? Wherever the knowledge of it is taken away, the glory of Christ is extinguished, religion abolished, the Church destroyed, and the hope of salvation utterly overthrown. That doctrine, then, though of the highest moment, we maintain that you have nefariously effaced from the memory of men. Our books are filled with convincing proofs of this fact, and the gross ignorance of this doctrine, which even still continues in all your churches, declares that our complaint is by no means ill founded. But you very maliciously stir up prejudice against us, alleging that, by attributing every thing to faith, we leave no room for works.
John Olin, ed., A Reformation Debate, 66
Having received this stinging reply from Calvin nothing more was ever heard from the pen of Cardinal Sadoleto regarding the “very dear brethren” of Geneva. All efforts at persuasion simply stopped. An opposite effect though, and certainly one that was completely unintended, came about when the leaders of Geneva began to wonder if they had made great mistake in 1538 by forcibly removing Calvin from his office as Pastor and “Professor of Sacred Literature”. They earnestly began to make every effort to get him back at all costs; and these exertions finally paid off. Calvin returned to Geneva on September 13, 1541. He picked-up his preaching exactly where he had left off two and half years prior. It appears that both Farel and Bucer played key roles in bringing about this favorable decision. Beza later remarks of Bucer’s efforts, “He never would have obtained Calvin’s consent, had he not given warning of Divine judgment, and appealed to the example of Jonah”. Surely, Farel would have approved of such tactics since he had used them before in 1536 with such very good results.
John Calvin in his maturity
Over the next twenty-three years of Calvin’s ministry (1541-1564) the gospel steadily prevailed and Geneva became widely known as the foremost city of the Protestant Reformation. Calvin’s continual ministry of preaching, teaching, catechizing, writing, counseling, and discipling brought about so many changes for good that the general population in time came to greatly appreciate him. Following the crucial elections of 1555, when Calvin’s plans for reformation triumphed, his value grew as an esteemed teacher, pastor, and theologian. On December 25, 1559 the Council members gratefully extended to him full citizenship in thanks for all that he had given to the city. More than ever before the motto of Geneva, Post Tenebrus Lux or “After Darkness, Light”, reflected the profound deliverance from darkness that the entire city felt as a result of the gospel’s progress in their lives. Think of it, in God’s providence the simple act of one man taking a different road proved to be such a great benefit to so many. Moreover, by God’s grace that same man endured and overcame the numerous difficulties that arose in Geneva and positively influenced the culture for good. He was faithful to his ministerial call. As a result, the Lord abundantly blessed the entire city through one man’s indefatigable labor and personal sacrifice. Soli Deo Gloria! To God alone be the glory!
Here is a portion of the “Monument to the Reformation” in Geneva, Switzerland. (L-R) Guillame Farel, John Calvin, John Knox, and Theodore Beza
Resources for Further Study:
Beza, Theodore. Life of John Calvin. Edinburgh, Scotland: Calvin Translation Society, 1844; Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Book House, Reprint 1983.
Beveridge, Henry and Jules Bonnet, eds. Selected Works of John Calvin: Tracts & Letters. 7 Vols. Edinburgh, Scotland: Calvin Translation Society 1844-1858. Grand Rapids: Baker Book House, Reprint 1983.
Calvin, John. Institutes of the Christian Religion. Ford Lewis Battles, trans. 2 Volumes. Philadelphia, PA: The Westminster Press, Reprint 1960.
Calvin, John, Commentary on the Book of Psalms. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Book House, Reprint 1998.
D’Aubigne, Merle. History of the Reformation in the Time of Calvin. Harrisonburg: Sprinkle Publications, Reprint 2000.
de Greef, Wulfert. The Writings of John Calvin: An Introductory Guide. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Book House, 1993.
De Koster, Lester. Light for the City: Calvin’s Preaching, Source of Life and Liberty. Grand Rapids, MI: William B. Eerdmans Publishing, 2004.
George, Timothy. Theology of the Reformers. Nashville, TN: The Broadman Press, 1988.
Hunter, A. Mitchell. The Teaching of Calvin. Eugene, OR: Wipf & Stock Publishers, 1920, Reprint 1999.
Olin, John C., ed. A Reformation Debate: John Calvin & Jacopo Sadoleto. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Book House, 1966.
Parker, T. H. L. John Calvin: A Biography. Philadelphia, PA: The Westminster Press, 1975.
McNeill, John T. The History and Character of Calvinism. London, England: Oxford University Press, 1954.
Stickelberger, Emanuel. Calvin: A Life. London, England: James Clarke & Company, 1959.
Van Halsema, Thea B. This Was John Calvin. Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan Publishing House, 1959.
Van Til, Henry R. The Calvinistic Concept of Culture. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Book House, 1959.
Wallace, Ronald S. Calvin, Geneva, and the Reformation. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Book House, 1990.
Warfield, Benjamin B. Calvin and Calvinism. Vol. 5. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Book House, 1932, Reprint 2003.
Walker, Williston. John Calvin: Organizer of Reformed Protestantism. New York, NY: Schocken Books, 1969.
Wendel, Francois. Calvin: The Origins and Development of His Religious Thought. New York, NY: Harper and Row, 1963. Grand Rapids: Baker Book House, Reprint 1997.
Zachman, Randall C. John Calvin as Teacher, Pastor, and Theologian. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Book House, 2006.
Dr. Marcus J. Serven, ThM and DMin
The Genevan Foundation – Copyright 2012 – All Rights Reserved
“Greater love has no one than this, that someone lays down his life for his friends.” John 15:13
John Calvin (1509-1564)
What kind of man was John Calvin (1509-1564), the Reformer of Geneva? Many people have very strong opinions about him, but few have ever read anything he actually wrote, or heard any of the fascinating stories from his life. Consider this compelling event from December 12, 1547: Calvin’s bold entry into the Council of the Two Hundred during the midst of a deadly sword fight! It is a fine example of his courageous character, positive reputation, and frank outspokenness. This challenging situation came about as Calvin and the other ministers of Geneva sought to advance spiritual and civil reform in that troubled city. The Company of Pastors was on its way to the Small Council to complain about the outcome of a trial against Ami Perrin, the leader of the Libertines, and against Laurent Maigret, a French refugee and personal friend of Calvin. What was the background of this explosive situation?
Ami Perrin and Laurent Maigret had been accused of treasonous activity for making a secret alliance with the French to house troops within the walls of Geneva. With the threat of invasion by the Holy Roman Empire under Charles V (1500-1558) a very real possibility, it only seemed natural for independent Geneva to align itself with its powerful neighbor, France. However, this arrangement became extremely awkward when it was pointed out that France also had imperialistic ambitions towards Geneva and all of western Switzerland. Thus, Ami Perrin and Laurent Maigret were widely suspected of high treason. It must be remembered that the Libertines (also known as the Enfants de Geneva) were clever and determined opponents of Calvin. They sought to gain an unfair advantage over the pastors of the Genevan church whenever and wherever possible. This political situation was no different, and the Libertines cunningly played the Genevan Nationalists against the “foreign” Reformers. Noted Reformation scholar, Brian G. Armstrong, remarks that essentially the Libertines were,
…Genevan patriots and influential families (the Perrins, Favres, Vandels, Bertheliers, etc.) who led the republic to independence and the Reformation. They resented the dominant influence of Calvin and “foreigners” in Genevan affairs. A bitter struggle with Calvin ended in their complete disgrace in 1555.
Armstrong, “Libertines,” quoted in The New International Dictionary of the Christian Church, 595.
Thus, upon his arrest Ami Perrin immediately lost his position as the Captain-General over Geneva’s militia. Both he and Maigret were imprisoned, and a public trial was conducted. Throughout this lengthy trial emotions ran high on both sides; with some clamoring for a guilty verdict and others for acquittal. The city was thrown into turmoil. In a short time, Ami Perrin was acquitted due to a lack of evidence and the Libertines celebrated his exoneration, while Maigret languished in prison. And once again, Geneva was seriously divided over this lop-sided outcome. The Council of Two Hundred was so sufficiently agitated that scuffles and sword fights broke out. It was just at that time (on Monday, December 12, 1547) that the Company of Pastors was passing by the building. Hearing all of the commotion, Calvin ran for the doors and burst inside into the middle of a heated argument. He threw himself into the cauldron of swirling opponents and calmed the warring parties with bold words. The official entry in The Register of the Company of Pastors of Geneva reports the tumultuous event in this way,
On Monday 12 December 1547 it was decided by the brethren to present themselves before Messieurs for the purpose of objecting strongly to the insolence, debauchery, dissoluteness, and hostility which were leading the church and city to ruin; and this was done on the same day. It was further resolved that similar action should be taken by us at the next meeting of the Council of the Two Hundred which was held on the Friday following, namely the 16th day of the same month. On this day we left the Congregation sooner than was customary. This was not done without great blessing from God, for when we arrived at the public hall, where the Two Hundred were assembled, a variety of disputes had already arisen and the minds of nearly all were so inflamed that they were not far from insurrection. Indeed an atrocious shedding of blood would have followed had not the Lord intervened. When he heard the alarming clamor and uproar Calvin rushed ahead into the midst of the tumult which was now quite out of hand, and the others followed him. Nearly all were so agitated and enraged that it was impossible to hear anyone clearly. But after a little while calm was restored and the Two Hundred were brought to order. Presenting ourselves to them, we used the same exhortations as we had used before the Council previously, but on this occasion when insurrection threatened, everything was handled by Calvin much more forcefully.
The Register, from December 12, 1547, 70
On the following day Calvin wrote these revealing and descriptive lines in a personal letter to his friend and fellow-minister, Pierre Viret (1511-1571),
The Two Hundred had been summoned. I had publicly announced to my colleagues that I would go to the senate-house. We were there a little, indeed, before the hour of meeting. As many people were still walking about in the public street, we went out by the gate that is contiguous to the senate-house. Numerous confused shouts were heard from that quarter. These, meanwhile, increased to such a degree as to afford a sure sign of insurrection. I immediately ran up to the place. The appearance of matters was terrible. I cast myself into the thickest of the crowds, to the amazement of almost everyone. The whole people, however, made a rush towards me; they seized and dragged me hither and thither, lest I should suffer injury. I called God and men to witness that I had come for the purpose of presenting my body to their swords. I exhorted them, if they designed to shed blood, to begin with me. The worthless, but especially the respectable portion of the crowd, at once greatly relaxed in their fervor. I was at length dragged through the midst to the Senate. There fresh fights arose, into the midst of which I threw myself. All are of opinion that a great and disgraceful carnage was prevented from taking place by my interposition. My colleagues meanwhile were mixed up with the crowd. I succeeded in getting them to all sit down quietly. They say that all were exceedingly affected by a long and vehement speech, suitable to the occasion, which I delivered. The exceptions were at least few, and even they, not less than the respectable part of the people, praised my conduct in the circumstances. God, indeed, protects myself and colleagues to the extent of the privilege implied in the declaration of even the most abandoned, that they abhor the least injury done to us not less than they detest parricide. Their wickedness has, however, reached such a pitch, that I hardly hope to be able any longer to retain any kind of position for the Church, especially under my ministry. My influence is gone, believe me, unless God stretch forth his hand…Adieu, brother and most sincere friend. Salute your colleague and all the brethren. My wife and I wish yours every greeting. May the Lord be perpetually present with you.—Amen.
John Calvin, Selected Works, A personal letter to Pierre Viret of Lausanne dated December 14, 1547.
Calvin’s bleak prognosis for the demise of his ministry, however, simply did not come true. The Lord “stretched forth his hand” and protected the fledgling church of Geneva. Calvin suffered through many other extraordinary difficulties, yet he persevered and prospered through them with the Lord’s blessing. In time, the Libertines were discredited and the reformers were rewarded with the appreciation of the entire city (1555).
It is also important to note that Calvin’s words were not those of a dictator or a tyrant, but those of servant of the living God who was pressed by dangers on every side. Sadly, Calvin has been falsely accused of oppressive and self-serving behavior. Yet, the numerous facts stand as a stark testimony to his indefatigable service to God and to the citizens of Geneva. He certainly demonstrated the characteristics of bold courage, resolute determination, and self-sacrifice. It has often been said that you don’t really know the character of a man until you see how he acts in the midst of trouble. Here, then, is a window into the personal character of John Calvin that is wide-open for all to see. He was ready to lay down his own life for the sake of others. He presented himself before the swords of his enemies, so that if there was to be any shedding of blood it should begin with him. Moreover, he sincerely believed that the people of the city must be reformed in both doctrine and moral conduct before lasting spiritual fruit would come forth. This outcome, that of true spiritual reformation, was the object of all of his labors. And in time, by God’s grace, he realized his goal.
Resources for Further Study:
Calvin, John. Selected Works of John Calvin: Tracts and Letters. Volume 5. Edited by Jules Bonnet and translated by David Constable. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Book House,1983.
Douglas, J. D., ed. New International Dictionary of the Christian Church. Revised Edition. Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan Publishing House, 1978.
“Calvin, John”, W. S. Reid
“Calvinism”, W. S. Reid
“Geneva Bible”, Robert D. Linder
“Genevan Academy”, W. S. Reid
“Genevan Catechism”, W. S. Reid
“Libertines”, Brian G. Armstrong
“Reformation, The”, Robert D. Linder
Hughes, Philip E. ed. and trans. The Register of the Company of Pastors of Geneva in the Time of Calvin. Grand Rapids, MI: William B. Eerdmans Publishing Company, 1966.
Parker, T. H. L. John Calvin: A Biography. Philadelphia, PA: The Westminster Press, 1975.
McNeill, John T. The History and Character of Calvinism. London, England: Oxford University Press, 1954.
Stickelberger, Emanuel. Calvin: A Life. London, England: James Clarke & Company, 1959.
Walker, Williston. John Calvin: Organizer of Reformed Protestantism. New York, NY: Schocken Books, 1969.
Wendel, Francois. Calvin: The Origins and Development of His Religious Thought. New York, NY: Harper & Row, 1963.
Dr. Marcus J. Serven, ThM and DMin
The Genevan Foundation – Copyright 2014 – All Rights Reserved
