John Calvin (1509-1564) is best known as a distinguished theologian and leading Protestant Reformer. However, it must be remembered that he functioned first and foremost as a pastor to the congregation of believers at Geneva for 25 years, and at Strasbourg for a brief interlude of 3 years. The esteemed Calvin scholar Jean-Daniel Benoit had the following to say about Calvin’s pastoral ministry,
The work of Calvin is immense and varied. Theologian, churchman, organizer of Protestantism in France, founder of the Academy of Geneva, public lecturer, Bible commentator, preacher at Saint Peter’s – Calvin was all of these. But to forget or to neglect the fact that Calvin was essentially and above all a pastor would be to misunderstand precisely that aspect of his personality which discloses the essential unity of his work, and to overlook the deep source of those waters which fecundate the entire field of his activity. In fact, theologian though he was, Calvin was even more a pastor of souls. More exactly, theology was for him the servant of piety and never a science sufficient unto itself. His thought is always directed towards life; always he descends from principles to the practical application; always his pastoral concern occurs.
Jean-Daniel Benoit, “Pastoral Care of the Prophet”, quoted in John Calvin Contemporary Prophet, 51
In this consolatory letter, written by Calvin to Monsieur de Richebourg, he shows the caring heart of the young minister of the gospel. Calvin was only thirty-one years old at the time he penned this letter, and he was away on an important mission to Ratisbon, Germany where he represented the city of Strasbourg at an ecclesiastical gathering. Two deceased men are mentioned in Calvin’s benevolent letter; (1) Louis – the young son of Monsieur de Richebourg, and (2) Claude Ferey – the distinguished Professor at the Academy of Strasbourg and Louis’ personal tutor. Sadly, both men were carried away by the Plague that swept through Strasbourg with deadly consequences in April, 1541. Calvin writes,
The son whom the Lord had lent you for a season, he has taken away. There is no ground, therefore, for those silly and wicked complaints of foolish men: O blind death! O horrid fate! O implacable daughters of destiny! O cruel fortune! The Lord who had lodged him here for a season, at this stage of his career has called him away. What the Lord has done, we must, at the same time, consider has not been done rashly, nor by chance, neither from having been impelled from without; but by that determinate counsel, whereby he not only foresees, decrees, and executes nothing but what is just and upright in itself, but also nothing but what is good and wholesome for us…
In what regards your son, if you bethink how difficult it is, in this most deplorable of ages, to maintain an upright course through life, you will judge him to be blessed, who, before encountering so many coming dangers which were already hovering over him, and to be encountered in his day and generation, was so early delivered from them all. He is like one who has set sail upon a stormy and tempestuous sea, and before he has been carried out into the deeps, gets in safety to the secure haven…
But what advantage, you will say, is it to me to have had a son of so much promise, since he has been torn away from me in the first flower of his youth? As if, forsooth, Christ had not merited, by his death, the supreme dominion over the living and the dead!…However brief, therefore, either in your opinion or in mine, the life of your son may have been, it ought to satisfy us that he has finished the course which the Lord had marked out for him. Moreover, we may not reckon him to have perished in the flower of his age, who had grown ripe in the sight of the Lord…Nor can you consider to have lost him, whom you will recover in the blessed resurrection in the kingdom of God…
Neither do I insist upon your laying aside all grief. Nor, in the school of Christ, do we learn any such philosophy as requires us to put off that common humanity with which God has endowed us…set bonds, temper even your most reasonable sadness; that having shed those tears which were due to nature and to fatherly affection, you by no means give way to senseless wailing…May Christ the Lord keep you and your family, and direct you all with his own Spirit, until you may arrive where Louis and Claude have gone before.
John Calvin, Selected Works: Letters, vol. 4, 246-253
Here we have an open window into the heart of John Calvin. And surprisingly, for some skeptical readers, it reveals a heart that is warm and tender towards those who suffer through the trials of life rather than one which is cold and hard. It is the heart of a true shepherd and pastor to his people. May we learn from Calvin’s compassionate example.
Select Bibliography:
Benoit, Jean-Daniel. “Pastoral Care of the Prophet,” from John Calvin Contemporary Prophet. 450th Anniversary volume celebrating the birth of John Calvin. Jacob T. Hoogstra, ed. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker book House, 1959.
Calvin, John. Selected Works of John Calvin: Letters. Vol. 4. Jules Bonnet, ed. David Constable, trans. Reprint, Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Book House, 1983.
Calvin, John. Letters of John Calvin. Selections from the Bonnet Edition, 1851. Reprint, Edinburgh, Scotland: The Banner of Truth Trust, 1980.
Henderson, Henry F. Calvin in His Letters. Reprint, Eugene, OR: Wipf and Stock Publishers, 1996.
Walker, Williston. John Calvin: Organizer of Reformed Protestantism. New York, NY: G.P. Putnam’s Sons, 1904. Reprint, New York: Schocken Books, 1969.
Wallace, Ronald S. Calvin. Geneva, and the Reformation: A Study of Calvin as Social Worker, Churchman, Pastor and Theologian. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Book House, 1988. Edinburgh, Scotland: Scottish Academic Press, 1990.
Wendel, Francois. Calvin: The Origins and Development of His Religious Thought. New York: Harper and Row, 1963. Reprint, Grand Rapids: Baker Books, 1997.
Dr. Marcus J. Serven, ThM and DMin
The Genevan Foundation – Copyright (2012) – All Rights Reserved
It was on the 21st of January, 1525, that a dozen disillusioned men trudged through the snow near the city of Zurich, Switzerland to a dwelling where they could consult together in private. These men were known amongst themselves as the Swiss Brethren, or by their enemies, as the Anabaptists (“ana” = again + “baptist” = baptized). Central in this group of zealous young reformers were Conrad Grebel (1498-1526), Felix Manz (1498-1527), and Georg Blaurock (1492-1529). Each had recently participated in a heated public disputation with the renowned Swiss Reformer Ulrich Zwingli (1484-1531) concerning the biblical basis of infant baptism. The city council of Zurich had declared Zwingli the victor, hence the men would have to either change their views on the matter, flee the city, or suffer the consequences. After discussing their options, they chose the latter—to suffer for the sake of their convictions. That night they boldly separated from the main stream of the Protestant Reformation by re-baptizing themselves as adult believers. William Estep describes the scene in this way,
After prayer, Georg of the House of Jacob stood up and strongly urged Conrad Grebel for God’s sake to baptize him with the true Christian baptism upon his faith and knowledge. And when he knelt down and with such a request and desire, Conrad baptized him, since at that time there was no ordained minister to perform such work. Following their re-baptism they vigorously began to preach and teach about their new found beliefs.
William Estep, The Anabaptist Story
The Anabaptist message spread rapidly to Germany, Austria, and the Netherlands resulting in a growing number of new congregations. Since the connection between the organized church and the civil government (i.e. the Magistrates) was very strong, any dissenters on theological grounds were quickly apprehended and sometimes even persecuted by the local authorities. Within a few short years, Conrad Grebel had died in prison (1526), Felix Manz had been arrested and sentenced to death by drowning (1527; his enemies caustically referred to this as his “third baptism”), and Georg Blaurock had been burned at the stake as a heretic (1529). Amazingly, Protestants had begun to persecute fellow Protestants! Swift martyrdom would become the norm for the Anabaptists for the next several centuries. In addition, many of the Magisterial Reformers began to forcefully speak out against the Anabaptists. Timothy George notes,
Heinrich Bullinger, for instance, called them “devilish enemies and destroyers of the church of God.” Luther’s preferred term was Schwarmer, which recalls the uncontrollable buzzing of bees around a hive, and which the German reformer applied indiscriminately to a wide host of adversaries. Calvin’s epithets were no less pejorative: “fanatics,” “deluded,” “scatter-brains,” “asses,” “scoundrels,” “mad dogs.” Interpreting the radicals in terms of dissent and nonconformity has skewed efforts to understand their own spiritual motivation.
Timothy George, Theology of the Reformers, 2nd edition, 267-268
God, however, in the midst of the persecution would raise up many courageous spokesmen to replace those who had suffered martyrdom for their faith. One such leader would be—the peaceable and articulate Dutchman, Menno Simons.
Menno Simons (1496-1561) was born to a peasant family in the Friesland region of northern Holland. At twenty-eight years of age he became a Roman Catholic Priest in the village church at Pingjum, Friesland. While serving as priest a nagging question developed in his mind regarding the doctrine of transubstantiation (that belief that the bread and the wine actually become the body and blood of our Lord Jesus Christ). As a result, he began to have doubts as to the validity of the miracle of the Mass.
My reader, I write to you the truth in Christ and lie not. In the year 1524, being then in my twenty-eighth year, I undertook the duties of a priest in my father’s village, called Pingjum, in Friesland. Two other persons of about my age, also officiated in the same station. The one was my pastor, and was well learned in part; the other succeeded me; both had read the scriptures partially; but I had not touched them during my life, for I feared, if I should read them they would mislead me. Behold! such a stupid preacher was I, for nearly two years. In the first year thereafter a thought occurred to me, as often as I handled the bread and wine in the mass, that they were not the flesh and blood of the Lord. I thought that it was the suggestion of the devil, that he might lead me off from my faith. I confessed it often—sighed and prayed, yet I could not be freed from this thought.
Complete Works of Menno Simons, 668
Menno’s apprehension over the issue forced him to turn to the Bible. He searched for texts that would convincingly prove the doctrine of transubstantiation, but he was not satisfied with the explanations that he read and heard. Finally, he concluded that such doctrines were the fabrication of the Church and promoted idolatry. He wrote following his conversion these words of personal chastening,
Yes, I have said to a weak, perishing creature that came forth from the earth, that was broken in a mill, that was baked by the fire, that was chewed by my teeth and digested by my stomach, namely, to a mouthful of bread, Thou hast saved me…O God, thus have I, a miserable sinner, toyed with the harlot of Babylon for many years.
Complete Works of Menno Simons, 76
Another doctrine which came under Menno’s scrutiny was the practice of infant baptism. In 1531 a Dutch Anabaptist, Sicke Snijder, was beheaded for being “re-baptized.” This shocking event caused Menno to rethink the whole issue of baptism and to question what practices were truly biblical. Menno had been taught in Roman Catholic theology that infants are born with original sin which must be covered by grace through the sacrament of infant baptism (ie: ex opere operato = the giving of grace is “done in the doing”). The sacrament, when administered by a Roman Catholic Priest, would confer upon the infant sufficient grace that if the baby should die it would avoid Limbus Infantum and reside in Purgatory or Heaven. As the baby grew into an adult that person’s faithful participation in the Church would result in the forgiveness of sins and the accrual of enough grace to enter Purgatory or Heaven. The Anabaptists completely rejected Roman Catholic sacramentalism as unscriptural, and thereby infant baptism as practiced in the Roman Catholic Church.
As a side note, it should be acknowledged that many other Protestants also reject the Roman Catholic sacramental system of baptism. Presbyterian and Reformed churches, for example, base infant baptism upon the Old Testament covenantal promises to parents (Deuteronomy 7:6-9). This promise is realized in the practice of circumcision (Genesis 17:7-14) and its clear connection with New Testament baptism (Acts 2:39; Colossians 2:11-12). Reformed believers reason that baptism in and of itself does not confer any grace–it is a sign and a seal of that grace. Baptism emphasizes God’s covenantal promises to the believing parents and identifies their baptized child as a member of God’s covenant community (i.e. the Church). Baptism, thereby, becomes an impetus for faithful Christian parents to evangelize and disciple their “covenant children” whom God has graciously given to them. It is also a significant reminder for baptized individuals (no matter what age they may be) to live up to the promises that God has placed upon their life.
Even with these doctrinal changes Menno remained a Roman Catholic Priest. He characterized his life at that time as “full of gambling and drinking.” However, in April 1535 three hundred armed Anabaptist believers overthrew the Old Cloister near Bolsward in Northern Holland. For eight days they withstood the assault of troops loyal to the Roman Catholic Church. However, they were utterly defeated and mercilessly slaughtered. Among these radical Anabaptists were several whom Menno had taught in his own congregation, and even more disturbingly—the brother of Menno, Peter Simons. Peter’s death had a profound effect upon Menno. This event, and the earlier debacle at Munster, Germany, where several thousand revolutionary Anabaptists where killed by both Lutherans and Roman Catholics alike, caused Menno to develop his firm opposition to warfare in every situation. He became an ardent and persuasive pacifist who repudiated taking up arms.
After this had transpired, the blood of these people, although mislead fell…hot on my heart…I reflected upon my unclean, carnal life, also the hypocritical doctrine and idolatry which I still practiced daily in appearance of godliness, but without relish. I saw that these zealous children, although in error, willingly gave their lives and their estates for their doctrine and faith. And I was one of those who had disclosed to some of them the abominations of the papal system. But I myself…acknowledged abominations simply in order that I might enjoy physical comfort and escape the cross of Christ.
Compete Works of Menno Simons, 670-671
He confessed his own hypocrisy, and finally his conversion came about in 1535 at age thirty-nine. He writes of this decisive experience,
My heart trembled within me. I prayed to God with the sighs and tears that He would give to me, a sorrowing sinner, the gift of His grace, create in me a clean heart, and graciously through the merits of the crimson blood of Christ forgive my unclean walk and frivolous easy life and bestow on me wisdom, Spirit, courage, and a manly spirit so that I might preach His exalted and adorable name and holy Word in purity.
Complete Works of Menno Simons, 671
On January 30, 1536, Menno preached his final sermon as a Roman Catholic Priest and formally sought out the fellowship of “peaceful” Anabaptists. Later that year, he identified with the small group led by Obbe Philips (1500-1568) where he was first baptized (1536), and then ordained (1537). When Obbe Philips stepped-back from his role as leader, due to his internal conflict over the death of so many of his followers, Menno stepped-up and filled the void along with Obbe’s younger brother Dirk Philips (1502-1568). This fledgling group grew in prominence so that most Anabaptists, in time, became known as Mennonites.
As successive Anabaptist leaders met their deaths by martyrdom, Menno survived them all and enjoyed a fruitful twenty-five year ministry throughout the Netherlands and Northern Germany. He often preached his gospel in small “home churches” and fled the authorities who sought to imprison him. His wife and children suffered great poverty from the rigors of living on the road. At one point the Emperor, Charles 5th, offered a reward of one hundred gold guilders for his capture. Nevertheless, Menno eluded every potential “Judas” and continued to preach, teach, and write. His most significant and systematic work was The Foundation of Christian Knowledge, which was published in 1539. His last years were spent in relative peace at Holstein; he died in his own bed at Wustenfelde, near Lubeck, in northern Germany and was buried in his garden.
Historically, Mennonite beliefs could be summarized in the following way: (a) the community of believers is stressed (so that marriage only among Anabaptist believers is encouraged); (b) each disciple commits themselves to a new way of life in Christ (which is sealed through adult baptism); (c) baptism is only offered to adult believers (usually by pouring); (d) foot-washing is often times practiced along with the Lord’s Supper (which is observed twice a year); (e) each individual and family is to withdraw from the secular world (so that participation in politics, higher learning, and the military is discouraged); (f) Scripture is taken literally and non-scriptural terms are generally not used (ie: the Trinity; (g) although it is affirmed as the teaching of the Bible the term is not used); (h) dogmatic theology is rejected (instead, personal experience is emphasized); (i) pacifism is encouraged (rather than nationalism, which leads to militarism); (j) each congregation is considered to be a “free” church (instead of having a hierarchical form of church government); (k) the “ban” (i.e shunning) is placed on those who have rejected the moral code of the church; (l) an imminent return of Jesus Christ is expected. Dress for men and women is to be modest, plain, and practical, so that clothing covers the majority of a person’s body. The modern-day proponents of Anabaptist theology are the following groups: the Mennonites, the Hutterites, the Amish, the Moravians, some Baptists, and the German Pietists.
Resources for Further Study:
Bainton, Roland H. The Reformation of the Sixteenth Century. Boston, MA: The Beacon Press, 1952.
Broderick, Robert C. The Catholic Encyclopedia. Revised Edition. Nashville, TN: Thomas Nelson Publishers, 1987.
Calvin, John. Treatises Against the Anabaptists and Against the Libertines. Benjamin W. Farley, ed. and trans. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Academic, 1982.
Douglas, J. D., ed. The New International Dictionary of the Christian Church. Revised Edition. Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan Publishing House, 1978.
“Anabaptists,” by Robert C. Clouse
“Baptists,” by Ernest F. Clipsham
“Blaurock, Georg,” by Robert D. Linder
“Grebel, Conrad,” by Peter Toon
“Hutterites,” by Ian Sellers
“John of Leyden,” by Dirk Jellema
“Manz, Felix,” by J. G. G. Norman
“Mennonites,” by J. C. Wenger
“Menno Simons,” by Dirk Jellema
“Philips, Dirk,” by Kenneth R. Davis
“Philips, Obbe,” by J. G. G. Norman
“Radical Reformation,” by Haddon Willmer
“Zwingli, Ulrich,” by Robert C. Walton
Douglas, J. D., ed. Who’s Who In Christian History. Wheaton, IL: Tyndale House Publishers, 1992.
Dowley, Tim, ed. The History of Christianity. Revised Edition. Oxford, UK: Lion Publishers, 1990.
Elwell, Walter A., ed. Evangelical Dictionary of Theology. Second Edition. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Book House, 2001.
“Baptist Tradition, The,” by E. F. Kevan
“Grebel, Conrad,” by J. C. Wenger
“Hubmaier, Balthasar,” by J. C. Wenger
“Mennonites,” by J. C. Wenger
“Menno Simons,” by J. C. Wenger
“Melchorites,” by J. C. Wenger
“Radical Reformation,” by J. D. Weaver
“Zwickau Prophets,” by J. D. Weaver
Estep, William R. The Anabaptist Story. Revised Edition. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdman’s Publishing Company, 1975.
George, Timothy. Theology of the Reformers. Revised Edition. Nashville, TN: B&H Publishing Group, 2013.
Hillerbrand, Hans J., ed. The Protestant Reformation. New York, NY: Harper and Row Publishers, 1968.
Houghton, S. M. Sketches from Church History. Carlisle, PA: The Banner of Truth Trust, 1980.
Mead, Frank S. Handbook of Denominations. 8th Edition. Nashville, TN: Abingdon Press, 1985.
Verduin, Leonard. The Reformers and Their Stepchildren. Grand Rapids, MI: WilliamB. Eerdman’s Publishing Company, 1964.
Wenger, John Christian, ed. The Complete Works of Menno Simons. Leonard Verduin, trans. Scottsdale, PA: Mennonite Publishing House, 1956.
Woodbridge, John D., ed. Great Leaders of the Christian Church, Chicago, IL: Moody Press, 1988.
Dr. Marcus J. Serven, ThM and DMin
Genevan Foundation – Copyright 2009 – All Rights Reserved
Dr. J. H. Merle D’Aubigne, distinguished Professor at the Evangelical Theological School, Geneva, Switzerland answers this important question in the following manner: “The Reformation is eminently distinguished from all the revolutions of antiquity, and from most of those of modern times. Political changes—the consolidation or the overthrow of the power of the one or of the many—were the object of the latter. The love of truth, of holiness, or immortality, was the simple yet mighty spring which set in motion that which I have to describe. It indicates a forward movement in human nature. In truth, man advances—he improves, whenever he aims at higher objects, and seeks for immaterial and imperishable blessings, instead of pursuing material, temporal, and earthly advantages. The Reformation is one of the brightest days of this glorious progress. It is a guarantee that the new struggle, which is receiving its accomplishment under our own eyes, will terminate on the side of truth, in a purer, more spiritual, and still nobler triumph.” (Merle D’Aubigne, History of the Reformation in the 16th Century, Preface, xviii)
Wallace, Ronald S. Calvin, Geneva, and the Reformation: A Study of Calvin as Social Worker, Churchman, Pastor and Theologian. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Book House, 1988. Edinburgh, UK: Scottish Academic Press, 1990. [310 pages]
Reviewed by Dr. Marcus J. Serven
The theological work of Rev. Dr. Ronald S. Wallace is best known from his two previous books: (1) Calvin’s Doctrine of Word and Sacrament (originally published in 1953, and reprinted in 1982), and (2) Calvin’s Doctrine of the Christian Life (his Ph.D. dissertation at the University of Edinburgh [no date], reprinted 1997). I was initially attracted to Wallace’s books by the fact that he served as a pastor in the Church of Scotland for twenty-seven years prior to taking up his responsibilities as a Professor. During this time of intense pastoral ministry he systematically engaged in scholarly research by writing the above books on Calvin’s theology and ministry, and pursued his doctoral degree. Eventually, he became a Professor at Columbia Theological Seminary, in Decatur, Georgia, where he taught theology and church history for fourteen years. Dr. Wallace died in 2006, having enjoyed a lengthy life of ninety-five years (1911-2006).
This current volume was originally published in 1988. It fulfills Dr. Wallace’s desire to write a biography on the life of John Calvin, but limits that larger project to a smaller scope. In essence, it is a study on Calvin’s pastoral theology; specifically his role as a social worker, churchman, pastor, and theologian. Wallace states,
For several years I read and collected material for a biographical work on Calvin. I discovered eventually, however, that I was engaged too much in parish work, and in other studies, to be able to master the complicated details of affairs in Geneva to the extent necessary for such a task. Since I was in the ministry myself, I was especially interested both in the kind of ministry which Calvin set himself to fulfill in his city Church (or Church-city), and in the way in which he actually succeeded in fulfilling it. This book therefore is an account, chiefly drawn from the material I collected, of Calvin’s ministry as a social reformer, churchman, and pastor in the sixteenth century. It cannot be called a “Life of Calvin”, but is, rather, a series of essays on his work and on the thought and devotion which he put into it.
Ronald Wallace, Calvin, Geneva, and the Reformation, Forward, vii
What do I like best about this book? Here is a faithful pastor-scholar (Ronald Wallace) writing sympathetically and wisely about the life and ministry of another faithful pastor-scholar (John Calvin). In my opinion, nothing could be better than this!
Following a brief introduction to the major issues and events of the sixteenth century, plus a review of Calvin’s call and early ministry, Dr. Wallace then launches into his four main topics. The book is, therefore, segmented into three sections which explicate the four major themes of his study: (Part 1) The Reformer and his City, (Part 2) Churchman and Pastor, and (Part 3) The Theologian.
Section one speaks of Calvin’s role as a “social worker.” The use of this term today garners images of one who unnecessarily meddles in people’s lives. Perhaps a more appropriate term for American readers would be “social reformer,” for in many ways that was exactly what Calvin set out to be. In this serious responsibility of cultural change, he earnestly sought the transformation of his entire city by the power of the gospel. Wallace describes Calvin’s approach in the following manner,
His program could be described as one of social sanctification rather than of social reconstruction. A transformation first had to be brought about in the personal lives of Geneva’s citizens. This was to be achieved chiefly by two means: through social discipline, and through the sacramental power of the Word of God.
Ronald Wallace, Calvin, Geneva, and the Reformation, 31
Specifically regarding the practice of the Lord’s Supper, Wallace identifies the primary reason why Calvin guarded it so jealously, and why in time it came to grip the people of Geneva so strongly. He argues,
It was a visible enactment of the mystery that Christ was theirs, and they were his. What was made visible by Christ at the Lord’s Table did not mock those present. The forgiveness, new life and power which each person present, therefore, received by faith through the sacrament could be come the most powerful force for the transformation of individual character, of social and family life within the city…He thus enforced his moral and social Gospel from the Lord’s Table.
Ronald Wallace, Calvin, Geneva, and the Reformation, 33-34
Yet, it seems evident that additional structures were needed to fully reform and regulate the unruly citizens of Geneva. Thus, upon his return to the troubled city on September 13, 1541, following his forced exile in Strasbourg, Calvin set out to perfect the ideas that were never fully implemented during his initial years in Geneva (1536-1538). He wrote a formal plan for civil and ecclesiastical reform which he called the Ecclesiastical Ordinances, which was approved by the City Council on November 20, 1541. He also established an organization of church and civil authorities who would uphold it.
Calvin now proposed, in his Ecclesiastical Ordinances (1541) that there should be set up in Geneva a court which could have authority and make judgment on such matters of Church discipline. It was to be called a Consistory…”The duty of the Consistory was to summon, admonish or excommunicate those who lives were regarded as incurring such censures.” (Wallace, Calvin, Geneva, and the Reformation, 35) In this endeavor of social reform, the Minister and the Magistrate worked together to uphold the laws of the city and to further the effect the reform. Wallace notes,
Calvin was emphatic that ecclesiastical discipline was not enough by itself to produce the healthy society. Social discipline for moral and religious ends enforced by the civil magistrate with civil legal sanctions was also required and had to be distinguished from Church discipline.
Ronald Wallace, Calvin, Geneva, and the Reformation, 36
It would be easy for those looking back upon the reformation of 16th Century Geneva from the lofty position of their own century to be overly critical. For this reason, Calvin has often been accused of being the “dictator of Geneva” who delighted in controlling the lives of others. It must be remembered, however, that Calvin’s stated goal was to bring transformation to society. The light of the gospel had to drive the darkness of moral depravity out of the culture all together. This would mean that all forms of public drunkenness, prostitution, usury, gambling, and youthful promiscuity should be radically curtailed, and that all of this change would be for the benefit of the people. It was not a matter of controlling the lives of the “free citizens of Geneva,” as the Libertines later made it out to be. It was bringing the lives of the people of Geneva into conformity with the benefits of the gospel and the sanctions of biblical law. Wallace puts it this way,
His aim was also positive. The minutes of the consistory show only the negative side of the city discipline. Calvin’s program involved the active promotion of the good life by the exaltation of virtue. He encouraged the city fathers of Geneva not to become too absorbed with “law and order”. They were there to set up and maintain a good system of public education, to encourage wholesome culture, and to create, even by regulation, an environment for healthy social attitudes. He believed that good morals can be produced by good legislation and good social organization. His experiment proved in the long run that people who were carefully driven into living virtuously began to prefer virtue to vice.
Ronald Wallace, Calvin, Geneva, and the Reformation, 51
In summary, Calvin achieved his goal of social transformation by the following means: (1) through preaching and teaching the Word of God (twice every Lord’s Day and on several days throughout the week), (2) through the regular administration of the Lord’s Supper (in time this happened monthly), (3) through the regulating power of the Consistory (with weekly meetings on Thursday mornings), and (4) through the complementary and harmonious relationship that existed between the civil magistrates and the ecclesiastical authorities.
Section two of Wallace’s book deals with Calvin’s role as a Pastor and Churchman. Specifically, he set out to reform the church in such a way that it would not only uphold correct doctrine (orthodoxy), but it would also closely conform to biblical patterns of life (orthopraxy). This was a reconstruction project of the highest order.
Calvin thought of himself in relation to the Church as an architect of reconstruction. In the letter dedicating his Commentary on Isaiah to King Edward VI he described the state of the Church. It had become like the ruined temple of God, utterly deformed, having lost all the glory of the early centuries of its life. But God had begun to raise it up so that men might begin again to see the beauty and glory of the former outline, and Calvin describes himself as one of many inconsiderable persons selected by God “as architects to promote the work of pure doctrine”. In his important letter to the King of Poland, he refers again to his call to “buildup he Church now lying deformed among the ruins of Popery.”
Ronald Wallace, Calvin, Geneva, and the Reformation, 134
Calvin did not just promote his ideology on paper, but he actually implemented it in Geneva and demonstrated to others that his plan could work. He cared for the welfare of the people by visiting them in their own homes, and by training-up others who would share in this on-going responsibility (e.g. Ruling Elders and Deacons). Wallace says,
Moreover if he has a true pastoral concern for those to whom he is preaching he will seek not to fail to visit them in their homes. Calvin believed that Paul gave a pattern for the ministry of the Word when he spoke of how he did not cease to admonish both “publicly” and “from house to house”. “Whatever others may think,” Calvin wrote, “we do not regard our office as bound within so narrow limits that when the sermon is delivered we may rest as if our task was done. They whose blood will be required of us if lost through our slothfulness, are to be cared for much more closely and vigilantly.
Ronald Wallace, Calvin, Geneva, and the Reformation, 173
What of Calvin’s role as a Theologian? Much could be said, but it is important to note that Calvin did not pursue theology because he delighted in abstract thinking, biblical speculation, and dwelling on lofty subjects over and above the ordinary Christian. Instead, Wallace suggests a more personal motivation. He states,
Theology for Calvin, was always an affair of the heart. Christianity, he insisted “is a doctrine not of the tongue but of the life and is not apprehended merely by the intellect and memory, like other sciences, but is received only when it possesses the whole soul, and finds its seat and habitation in the innermost recesses of the heart” [Institutes 3:6:4].
Ronald Wallace, Calvin, Geneva, and the Reformation, 233
And again, Wallace perceptively declares,
Therefore the theological quest involves the theologian not simply in an effort to know about God but also in a growing desire for union and communion with God himself. Even as we meditate, for example, on the nature of the Trinity we are reminded by Calvin that God offers himself to our faith not only to be heard and tested, by to be contemplated, and we are urged to “look upon the one God, to unite with him, and to cleave to him” [Institutes 1:13:2, 1:13:16].
Ronald Wallace, Calvin, Geneva, and the Reformation, 234
Upon what did Calvin build his theology? He could have started with a scathing critique of all the medieval scholastic theologians and then moved on to what was wrong with the church in his time. Yet he does not fall into this purely negative approach. Rather, he consciously and purposefully bases his theology upon the Word of God. And from this unassailable foundation, he constructs a timeless pastoral methodology that is immune to philosophical speculation and the ever-changing trends of contemporary theology.
His theology was a theology of the Word of God. It can be argued that his contemporary influence was as much due to the circulation of his Commentaries as to the Institutes, which after all he regarded simply as a key to help people to know what to look for in the scriptures. His chief aim, therefore, as a theologian was simply to give a faithful and systematic account of what he himself had found there.
Ronald Wallace, Calvin, Geneva, and the Reformation, 222
Hence, I find that Dr. Ronald Wallace has very capably revealed Calvin’s role as a social worker, churchman, pastor, and theologian. He does this with numerous citations from the Institutes, the Commentaries, and the Letters. I appreciated his emphasis on Calvin’s pastoral ministry and his passion in presenting his research. I have read this book several times and continue to dip into it from time to time. In brief, I highly recommend it.
Subscript: This is the one book in all my reading on John Calvin’s role as a Pastor that deeply delves into the specifics of Calvin’s pastoral theology; and so, over the years it has been of immense interest and value to me. Inspired by Wallace’s perceptive book, I completed my own doctoral dissertation on Calvin’s pastoral theology at Covenant Theological Seminary (DMin, 2011). Several notable quotations from Wallace’s book find a prominent place in my dissertation, “Seeking the Old Paths: Towards a Recovery of John Calvin’s Pastoral Theology Amongst Reformed and Presbyterian Pastors Today.”
Wendel, Francois. Calvin: Origins and Development of His Religious Thought. Translated by Philip Mairet. Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1950. Reprint, Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Books, 1997. [383 pages]
Reviewed by Dr. Marcus J. Serven
This is the one book that everyone who writes on the subject of Calvin’s thought likes to quote from. Over the past twenty-five years I found myself regularly coming across footnotes referring to Wendel’s Calvin: Origins and Development of His Religious Thought. Since I do not read French—nor could I find an English edition at the theological bookstores I frequented—it became a personal quest to find a copy of Wendel’s book in English. Perhaps, the academic attraction to this book is due to Wendel’s European credentials. He served as the Dean of the Protestant Faculty of Theology at Strasbourg for many years during the last century. In that capacity he developed into one of the foremost European scholars on the history and literature of the Reformation. This present volume is the capstone of his efforts. At any rate, my joy knew no bounds when I received a book catalogue in the fall of 1996 advertising an English edition to be published by Baker Books. I immediately ordered the book at its pre-publication price. Finally, after waiting for three months the much wanted book arrived in the mail! I grabbed my coat and went down to my favorite coffee shop and dove right into the book. I was not disappointed, as Wendel sparkles in his academic expertise on all things related to Calvin and in his easy to read prose.
The book divides neatly into two parts: (1) a one-hundred and seven page biographical outline of Calvin’s life; and (2) a two-hundred and fifty-two page investigation of his central theological doctrines (based upon the Institutes, Calvin’s Commentaries, Calvin’s Sermons, Calvin’s Letters, and the writings of other Reformation personalities such as Theodore Beza, Martin Bucer, Martin Luther, and Phillip Melanchthon,). Professor Wendel has a wonderful grasp of the secondary literature and gives numerous citations from past and current Calvin scholars.
Two particular questions that I have always wondered about were these: (1) “How exactly did the Institutes of the Christian Religion come about?”, and (2) “Why did the Institutes develop and grow over time through its successive editions?” Wendel gives a whole stream of answers to the second of these two questions, plus he thoroughly answers a variation of the first question by considering “What were Calvin’s sources for the Institutes?” The Bible was certainly Calvin’s primary source, as the Institutes absolutely brims with biblical citations wherein Calvin demonstrates his comprehensive understanding of its most significant doctrines. Beyond that, references from the secular Greek philosophers such as: Plato, Aristotle, Seneca, Themistius, and Cicero abound. Also, quotations and allusions from the early Church Fathers: Chrysostom, Cyril, Origin, Tertullian, Irenaeus, Athanasius, Eusebius, and Augustine; and well-known medieval theologians such as: Anselm, Lombard, Bernard of Clairvaux, Aquinas, Duns Scotus, and Ockham are also clearly evident. At the time Luther’s pamphlets were readily available, as well as his Larger and Shorter Catechisms. Moreover, Phillip Melanchthon’s work of dogmatics, Loci Communes, had been in print since 1521, with a new edition appearing in 1535. Undoubtedly Calvin profited from reading these materials and wrestling with their central theses, yet he also saw the urgent need for a fresh treatment of the basic theological beliefs of the Reformation.
From early November 1533, once he became a fugitive, Calvin evidently had time to reflect upon the necessity of producing a book that would thoroughly explain the doctrines of the Evangelical movement. Perhaps, he laid the initial foundations for this project in his mind while riding on his horse and seeking a place of refuge. Or, perhaps the motivating event was that he heard a report about the “Affair of the Placards” and the subsequent martyrdom of many of his personal friends in Paris (October 17-18, 1534). Surely, he was strongly motivated not only by his own suffering, but also the gruesome deaths of those whom he knew and loved. It is with the last thought in mind that Calvin resolved to address his Preface to King Francis 1st in the hope that he might persuade the French King to a more moderate attitude towards the Protestant cause. In this Preface he demonstrated his skills as a well-trained lawyer, through careful argumentation, and as an articulate and convinced theologian, through his passionate defense of biblical orthodoxy. At some point, likely in January of 1535, Calvin determined that he should be the one to actually produce the Institutes. Most of Calvin’s biographers look to Louis du Tillet’s library in Angouleme, France as the place of genesis. It was there, apparently, during the winter months that Calvin began outlining the Institutes of the Christian Religion, conducting his research, and writing his initial drafts. In this sense, this library became Calvin’s “Wartburg”. One year later, in January of 1536 we find Calvin dwelling in Basle with Oswald Myconius where he completed his “little book” and finally submitted it for publication. About this first edition Wendel states,
The first edition of the Institutes of the Christian Religion was published in March 1536 by the Basle printers Thomas Platter and Balthasar Lasius. This was in one volume of 516 pages of small format, such as could be easily slipped into the vast pockets of the clothes then worn. The work at that time consisted of six chapters: the first four were devoted to the Law, the Creed, the Lord’s Prayer, and the sacraments of baptism and the Lord’s Supper—which was the classic order of Luther’s Catechisms. And the work was, in fact, conceived as a catechism; that is what the publishers and Calvin himself called it. A fifth and a sixth chapter, one dealing with false Sacraments and the other with the liberty of the Christian, were inspired by the special reasons which had also given birth to the ‘Epistle to the King’ printed at the head of the work.
Francois Wendel, Calvin, 112
The success of this first publication of the Institutes must have been considerable, for we learn that the copies of this first edition were completely exhausted in less than a year after it had appeared. This is all the more noteworthy of consideration since the book was written in Latin, and its appeal was therefore limited to a relatively small cultured public who could read Latin. Later editions, in both Latin and French, are fully chronicled by Wendel with all the salient details of their publication. Finally, of course, Calvin is able to produce the penultimate Latin edition of 1559 and the French edition of 1560. Wendel notes,
Yet whatever its defects, this edition of the 1559-1560 remains monumental work; truly a theological summa of Reformed Protestantism. Even in Calvin’s lifetime its success was immense, and it was never discredited afterwards. It was indubitably one of the causes of the very rapid rise of a Calvinist orthodoxy, strictly adherent to the formulas of the Institutes, which even the later controversies have only with difficulty managed to modify.
Francois Wendel, Calvin, 122
On the lasting influence of those ultimate editions, Wendel favorably quotes the opinion of Imbart de La Tour who published his own study on Calvin in 1935,
The whole of Calvinism is in the Institutes—a work of capital importance, the work most valued by Calvin, who spent all his life revising and reshaping as well as enriching it. All his other works—commentaries, controversies, smaller dogmatic or moral treatises—are related to it like advanced redoubts meant to defend the heart against the enemy.
Imbart de La Tour, Calvin et l’Institution Cretienne, 55; quoted by Francois Wendel, Calvin, 111
In conclusion, I believe that Wendel’s volume, Calvin: Origins and Development of His Religious Thought, is one of the most significant Calvin studies of the past century. It may in time be surpassed by Derek Thomas and John Tweeddale’s penetrating and comprehensive volume, John Calvin: For A New Reformation (2019); but only time will tell if that becomes true. In the meantime, though, I sincerely expect that I will return to Wendel’s book many times over to consider the constituent elements of the Institutes, and to dive deep into a cogent analysis of Calvin’s thought. Now I know why everyone likes to quote from this book; it is simply a goldmine of material on Calvin and the development of his thinking.
I am most grateful that Baker Books chose to reprint the English edition of Wendel’s book in 1996. Reading it laid the foundation for my own doctoral work on Calvin’ pastoral theology that I would commence ten years later in 2006. Wendel’s Calvin: Origins and Development of His Religious Thought reveals much about the Reformer that would be very difficult to discover apart from the exhaustive research contained in this noteworthy volume. In summary, I say “Bravo!” for a superlative study on Calvin and his theological development.
What difference did the Protestant Reformation (1517-1650) make upon the religious practices of the world? Consider this thoughtful statement by Dr. Andrew Atherstone, Tutor in History and Doctrine, Wycliffe Hall, Oxford:
The sixteenth-century reformation was one of he most dramatic and significant series of events in the history of Christianity. It sent shock waves through the western world and changed the face of Europe forever. Its impact upon the church has sometimes been likened to a second Day of Pentecost, a crucial turning point and a moment of crisis. To some, this cataclysmic rupture in the fabric of catholic Christendom was interpreted as the labour pains of Christianity reborn. As one historian has put it, “No other movement or religious protest or reform since antiquity has been so widespread or lasting in its effects, so deep and searching in its criticism of received wisdom, so destructive in what it abolished or so fertile in what it created.”
Andrew Atherstone, The Reformation: Faith and Flames, 6
Atherstone’s quote tells us that the events of the Protestant Reformation were second only to the impact that the Day of Pentecost had upon the world. What specifically happened in the Reformation? By God’s grace, the Reformers clearly rediscovered the true Gospel and set about stripping away the “traditions of men” that clung like crusty barnacles to the hull of the true Church. In addition, new branches of Christendom were energized and established and the Gospel spread all over the world. Numerous Christian books and pamphlets were produced and widely distributed around the globe. Strenuous and sacrificial missionary endeavors took place so that people who lived in spiritual darkness were brought into the light. And finally, through the preaching and teaching of ministers, missionaries, and every day Christians the Gospel continued in its path of spiritual transformation and renewal.
Jesus instructed his disciples to “Go therefore and make disciples…baptizing them…[and] teaching them” (Matthew 28:18-20). That commission was pushed forward with new energy and zeal by the Reformers so that the Gospel spread into every dark corner of the world. Thus, we have much to be thankful for when we consider the work of the Protestant Reformers. The Reformation proved to be a decisive turning point in the history of the world and evangelical Christians everywhere should thank God for this great outpouring of revival.
There are some notable theological works that have clearly stood the test of time. You know the authors—Anselm, Augustine, Bavinck, Berkhof, Calvin, Dabney, Hodge, Luther, Machen, Murray, Rushdoony, Turretin, Van Til, and Warfield. The books that these insightful men have written are widely read, constantly reprinted, and lovingly treasured. With the publication of this second edition (2019) of Authentic Christianity: An Exposition of the Theology and Ethics of the Westminster Larger Catechism, I believe that Dr. Morecraft’s work is well on its way to becoming a classic of the same stature.
My initial copy of Authentic Christianity (1st edition, 2009) is well-worn, and I welcome the prospect of utilizing this new set for future reflection and serious study of the Westminster Larger Catechism. Keep in mind that these comprehensive volumes represent a lifetime of work by Dr. Morecraft. They show his love for the Bible and for the accurate summary of Christian doctrine that is contained in the Westminster Larger Catechism. Here are a few samples from the pages of Authentic Christianity regarding the Lord’s Prayer:
“The First Petition of the Lord’s Prayer as a Prayer for the Conversion of the Whole World: When we pray “hallowed be Thy Name,” we are not praying only for our own personal and individual situation, we are praying for the hallowing of God’s name generally and globally and universally, “that he would prevent and remove atheism, ignorance, idolatry, profaneness, and whatsoever is dishonorable to him.” Throughout the history of the church, men of God have recognized this inescapable implication of the first petition of the Lord’s Prayer. If we are to pray that God would “enable and incline us and others to know, to acknowledge, and highly to esteem,” and glorify God, then we are, by implication, praying that God “would prevent and remove atheism” (WLC 190).”
Morecraft, Authentic Christianity, Vol. 7, 3579
And, here are Dr. Morecraft’s remarks on the 5th Petition of the Lord’s Prayer (And forgive us our debts, as we forgive our debtors):
“We and others are debtors to the Justice of God: Because of our guiltiness before God for disregarding the transgressing His Law, all human beings are “debtors to the justice of God.” God’s justice demands that all sin be punished: “the wages of sin is death” (Rom. 6:23). Why? God’s justice is “that perfection of God by which He maintains Himself over against every violation of His holiness, and shows in every respect that He is the Holy One…Divine justice is originally and necessarily obliged to punish evil…Luke 17:10; 1 Cor. 4:7; Job 41:11” (Berkhof, Systematic Theology, 74-75). Sin is a real “debt.” It is an offense and insult to the holiness of God. It is a violation of His holy Law, making us deserving of everlasting punishment. We owe God the “debt” of complete obedience to God’s Law, which God demands of all intelligent creatures. We failed in our obedience to Him; therefore, God’s Law denounces us and threatens us with punishment. Thus, we owe God the “debt” of eternal punishment. Therefore, we should pray the Fifth Petition of the Lord’s Prayer continually, because, as we shall see, we cannot pay the debt we owe God. If it is not fully paid, we will perish eternally in our sins, because “the wrath of God is revealed from heaven against all ungodliness of men” (Rom. 1:18). Without forgiveness of sins by God, each day of our lives we are “storing up wrath [for ourselves] in the day of wrath and revelation of the righteous judgment of God, who will render to every man according to his deeds” (Rom. 2:5-6).”
Both citations, I trust, will give the reader a distinct impression of the depth of theological analysis and practical application that flows out of every volume. Dr. Morecraft not only loves the doctrines found in the Bible, but he also loves the people of God that he serves in pastoral ministry. His entire project of expounding the Westminster Larger Catechism is built upon the premise that God wants His people to become mature and stable disciples of Jesus Christ (cf. Col. 1:28-29; Heb. 5:12-14). Hence, there is no better way to accomplish this goal than to steep them in the riches found in the Bible. Since the Westminster Confession of Faith and its Catechisms accurately summarize the teachings of the Bible, that, of course, makes them an extremely valuable resource for all believers to study.
Last of all, it is important to note that Dr. Morecraft cites many great theologians throughout his exposition. You will find beneficial quotes from Augustine, Louis Berkhof, John Calvin, Charles Hodge, Martin Luther, William G. T. Shedd, Cornelius Van Til, and Benjamin B. Warfield, plus many others. This fact adds to the richness of these eight volumes. Where can you get these books? Here is the complete reference info:
Morecraft III, Joseph C. Authentic Christianity: An Exposition of the Theology and Ethics of the Westminster Larger Catechism. 8 Volumes. Second Edition. Centreville, AL: Four Falls Press, 2019.
And a link to a website where copies of Authentic Christianity can be found:
I pray that an entirely new generation of thoughtful pastors, students, and readers will benefit from Dr. Morecraft’s fine exposition of the Westminster Larger Catechism. Soli Deo Gloria!
“You are the light of the world. A city set on a hill cannot be hidden.” (Matthew 5:14)
“God is light, and in him is no darkness at all.” (1 John 1:5)
During the balmy summer days of July, 1536 the twenty-seven year old John Calvin (1509-1564) was on his way from France into exile in Strasbourg, Germany. As he quickly sped along the stone-paved main highway with his younger brother Anthony and his half-sister Marie perhaps he asked himself, “Why are we fleeing?” Calvin lived during the tumultuous days of the Reformation when any man who rejected the teachings of the Roman Catholic Church was hunted-down, imprisoned, and often-times martyred. The cruel death in Paris of Calvin’s personal friend Stephen de La Forge in late 1534 made a significant impact upon his resolve to continue defending the evangelical cause. Thus, it was out of necessity that he flee from his native country to the safe-haven of Germany where he could write his books and carryout his biblical studies. On this hasty and clandestine journey Calvin was forced to detour from his initial route and travel a circuitous southern road through Geneva, Switzerland. At this time the armies of King Francis the 1st (1494-1547) were on extensive military maneuvers and every Protestant reformer (especially those of Calvin’s notoriety) would want to avoid the French troops at all costs. Calvin was rapidly becoming known as the author of a newly published treatise, Institutes of the Christian Religion (printed in Basle, March 1536). This potent book of only six short chapters was the clearest exposition yet of the basic doctrines of the Reformation. It was immediately identified as subversive literature by Roman Catholic scholars, yet the first edition sold out so quickly that another printing was eagerly sought by sympathetic readers. One modern theologian has thoughtfully stated,
Even from the point of view of mere literature, it holds a position so supreme in its class that every one who would fain know the world’s best books, must make himself familiar with it. What Thucydides is among the Greeks, or Gibbon among eighteenth-century English historians, what Plato is among philosophers, or the Iliad among epics, or Shakespeare among dramatists, that Calvin’s Institutes is among theological treatises.
Benjamin Warfield, Works, Vol. 5, 374
Calvin’s unplanned trek through Geneva figured to be one of the most significant turning-points of his life for it was here that he providentially met the zealous French missionary-evangelist Guillaume Farel (1489-1565). A few months prior to Calvin’s arrival in Geneva both Farel and Pierre Viret (1511-1571) participated in a formal debate with the leaders of Roman Catholic Church. As a result, on March 21, 1536 the city fathers voted decisively to reject the Roman Catholic faith and to recover the gospel as it was directly taught from the pages of the Bible. Following that signal victory Farel was strongly motivated to build a team of earnest and learned pastors to teach and preach biblical truth. He was especially eager to encourage someone of Calvin’s superior gifts to remain in Geneva to help with the reform effort then currently underway in the city. It was Calvin’s plan to remain only one night in Geneva, and so while eating dinner that evening at a local inn Calvin innocently remarked to Farel that he felt his place in life was to pursue a “quiet life of scholarship” in Strasbourg. Immediately, Farel stood up (some have suggested that he actually jumped on the table sending all of the dishes clattering to the floor in a loud series of crashes!), and with fiery eyes flashing and red-beard wagging he angrily denounced Calvin with an accusing finger shouting,
You are following your own wishes, and I declare, in the name of God Almighty, that if you do not assist us in this work of the Lord, the Lord will punish you for seeking your own interest rather than his.
Theodore Beza, Life of John Calvin, 29
Calvin was horrified by this impassioned denunciation and he timidly recoiled from the threat of divine judgment. Nevertheless, after reflecting on all that Farel had said, he determined to remain in Geneva and from that point on his ministry became inextricably tied to the city. He wrote later in the Preface to his Commentary on the Psalms, “I felt…as if God had from heaven laid His mighty hand upon me to arrest me from my course…I desisted from the journey which I had undertaken.” Thus, on September 5, 1536 when the Genevan City Council providentially appointed Calvin to be their “Professor of Sacred Literature” they probably had no idea that they were beginning a pastoral relationship with Calvin that would make a significant impact upon the whole Protestant world. Not all in Geneva were enthused about Calvin’s arrival, since he was a religious refugee from France, and they snidely referred to him in the minutes of the Genevan City Council as “ille Gallus” (or, “that Frenchman”). Yet, the sovereign Lord did indeed have a place of on-going ministry for Calvin, although it proved to be turbulent place filled with many troublesome people.
Calvin’s personal call to minister in Geneva was put to a serious test during the spring of 1538. The three pastors of Geneva, Calvin, Farel, and the blind and elderly Elie Courault (d. 1538), believed that the city was in so much turmoil over the efforts of reform that taking the Lord’s Supper would “profane so holy a mystery”. As Easter Sunday approached on April 21, 1538 the tension became so thick that Calvin reported more than sixty musket blasts shot off in front of his home late one night. Since the ministers stubbornly refused to offer the Lord’s Supper the Little Council voted to ban Calvin, Farel, and Courault from their pulpits. Despite this prohibition the ministers preached and did not serve the Lord’s Supper as they had been ordered to do. The next day the Little Council voted to oust the rebellious preachers. They gave them only three days to get their affairs in order and to leave the city. Theodore Beza recalls this chaotic time with Calvin’s own words,
This decision being intimated to Calvin, “Certainly”, says he, “…had I been the servant of men I had obtained a poor reward, but it is well that I have served Him who never fails to perform to his servants whatever he has promised.”
Theodore Beza, Life of John Calvin, 33
Therefore, on April 25, 1538 the three unwanted ministers departed the city leaving behind all of the angry denunciations, jeers, and threats. After making unsuccessful appeals in Berne and Zurich, Calvin was uncertain of where to go next. He was eventually recruited by the seasoned reformer Martin Bucer (1491-1551) to come to Strasbourg and serve as pastor to a congregation of French refugees. While there Calvin married a lovely French widow, Idelette de Bure, and further deepened his ties to Strasbourg by representing the city at the Colloquy of Hagenau (June, 1540), Worms (November, 1540), and Ratisbon (April, 1541). These three ecumenical conferences exposed Calvin to the wider world of Reformation theology and brought about a life-long friendship with the irenic German reformer Philip Melanchthon (1497-1560). While living in Strasbourg he also regularly taught at an academy led by Johannes Sturm (1507-1589), and penned his first Bible commentary on Paul’s Letter to the Romans (1539). Overall, these were pleasurable and productive years, punctuated with only a few sorrows. It came as quite a surprise, then, when in the midst of this happy period an official summons came from the City Council of Geneva asking him to return. This unexpected request brought up all the deep personal wounds of his banishment and required that Calvin seriously reflect upon his ministerial call to serve the Lord in Geneva. He confided in an agonizing letter to Farel on October 27, 1540 his personal fears about returning to that disorderly city,
I have no doubt whatever that you have taken good care to apologize for me to those brethren who advised that I should return to Geneva, that I have not replied to them. For you are well aware how on that account I was thrown for two days into such perplexity and trouble of mind that I was scarcely half myself … Whenever I call to mind the state of wretchedness in which my life was spent when there, how can it be otherwise but that my very soul must shudder when any proposal is made for my return? … But, at the same time, while I call to mind by what torture my conscience was racked at that time, and with how much anxiety it was continually boiling over, pardon me if I dread that place as having about it somewhat of a fatality in my case … But now that by the favor of God I am delivered, should I be unwilling to plunge myself once more into the gulf and whirlpool which I have already found to be so dangerous and destructive, who would not excuse me?
John Calvin, Selected Works, Vol. 4, 210-212
Such frank correspondence continued back and forth between Calvin and his close confidants, Farel and Viret, for several months before it finally culminated in the decision that he would return to Geneva. There is little doubt, however, that an open letter written by Calvin from Strasbourg (September 1, 1539) and sent on Geneva’s behalf to Cardinal Jacopo Sadoleto (1477-1547) demonstrated the sterling value of Calvin’s ministry and scholarship. In it Calvin forcefully argued for the cause of the Reformation and rejected Sadoleto’s faulty reasoning as to why the city of Geneva should return to the Roman Catholic Church. Calvin began his reply in this way,
You lately addressed a Letter to the Senate and People of Geneva, in which you sounded their inclination as to whether, after having once shaken off the yoke of the Roman Pontiff, they would submit to have it again imposed upon them. In that letter, as it was not expedient to wound the feelings of those whose favor you required to gain your cause, you acted the part of a good pleader; for you endeavored to soothe them by abundance of flattery, in order that you might gain them to your views.
John Olin, ed., A Reformation Debate, 49-50
What was Calvin’s motive to enter into this theological disputation and contest of wills? After all, he had been forcibly removed from Geneva by the people’s rejection of his plan of reformation. The following autobiographical comment from his letter to Sadoleto reveals that Calvin still felt a very strong call by God to minister to the people of Geneva. His personal resolve was evident despite their rejection and his on-going ministry in Strasbourg. He notes with some passion,
But when I see that my ministry, which I feel assured is supported and sanctioned by a call from God, is wounded through my side, it would be perfidy, not patience, where I here to be silent and connive…For though I am for the present relieved of the charge of the Church of Geneva, that circumstance ought not to prevent me from embracing it with paternal affection—God, when He gave me the charge, having bound me to be faithful to it forever. Now, then, when I see the worst snares laid for that Church whose safety it has pleased the Lord to make my highest care, and grievous peril impending if not obviated, who will advise me to await the issue silent and unconcerned? How heartless, I ask, would it be to wink in idleness, and, as it were, vacillating at the destruction of one whose life you are bound vigilantly to guard and preserve? (Olin ed., A Reformation Debate, 50-51)
John Olin, ed., A Reformation Debate, 50-51
Calvin went on further to challenge Sadoleto’s claim that justification by faith was an unbalanced doctrine that left no place in the Christian life for good works. He showed Sadoleto’s view to be an error in the following quotation,
You, in the first place, touch upon justification by faith, the first and keenest subject of controversy between us. Is this a knotty and useless question? Wherever the knowledge of it is taken away, the glory of Christ is extinguished, religion abolished, the Church destroyed, and the hope of salvation utterly overthrown. That doctrine, then, though of the highest moment, we maintain that you have nefariously effaced from the memory of men. Our books are filled with convincing proofs of this fact, and the gross ignorance of this doctrine, which even still continues in all your churches, declares that our complaint is by no means ill founded. But you very maliciously stir up prejudice against us, alleging that, by attributing every thing to faith, we leave no room for works.
John Olin, ed., A Reformation Debate, 66
Having received this stinging reply from Calvin nothing more was ever heard from the pen of Cardinal Sadoleto regarding the “very dear brethren” of Geneva. All efforts at persuasion simply stopped. An opposite effect though, and certainly one that was completely unintended, came about when the leaders of Geneva began to wonder if they had made great mistake in 1538 by forcibly removing Calvin from his office as Pastor and “Professor of Sacred Literature”. They earnestly began to make every effort to get him back at all costs; and these exertions finally paid off. Calvin returned to Geneva on September 13, 1541. He picked-up his preaching exactly where he had left off two and half years prior. It appears that both Farel and Bucer played key roles in bringing about this favorable decision. Beza later remarks of Bucer’s efforts, “He never would have obtained Calvin’s consent, had he not given warning of Divine judgment, and appealed to the example of Jonah”. Surely, Farel would have approved of such tactics since he had used them before in 1536 with such very good results.
Over the next twenty-three years of Calvin’s ministry (1541-1564) the gospel steadily prevailed and Geneva became widely known as the foremost city of the Protestant Reformation. Calvin’s continual ministry of preaching, teaching, catechizing, writing, counseling, and discipling brought about so many changes for good that the general population in time came to greatly appreciate him. Following the crucial elections of 1555, when Calvin’s plans for reformation triumphed, his value grew as an esteemed teacher, pastor, and theologian. On December 25, 1559 the Council members gratefully extended to him full citizenship in thanks for all that he had given to the city. More than ever before the motto of Geneva, Post Tenebrus Lux or “After Darkness, Light”, reflected the profound deliverance from darkness that the entire city felt as a result of the gospel’s progress in their lives. Think of it, in God’s providence the simple act of one man taking a different road proved to be such a great benefit to so many. Moreover, by God’s grace that same man endured and overcame the numerous difficulties that arose in Geneva and positively influenced the culture for good. He was faithful to his ministerial call. As a result, the Lord abundantly blessed the entire city through one man’s indefatigable labor and personal sacrifice. Soli Deo Gloria! To God alone be the glory!
Resources for Further Study:
Beza, Theodore. Life of John Calvin. Edinburgh, Scotland: Calvin Translation Society, 1844; Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Book House, Reprint 1983.
Beveridge, Henry and Jules Bonnet, eds. Selected Works of John Calvin: Tracts & Letters. 7 Vols. Edinburgh, Scotland: Calvin Translation Society 1844-1858. Grand Rapids: Baker Book House, Reprint 1983.
Calvin, John. Institutes of the Christian Religion. Ford Lewis Battles, trans. 2 Volumes. Philadelphia, PA: The Westminster Press, Reprint 1960.
Calvin, John, Commentary on the Book of Psalms. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Book House, Reprint 1998.
D’Aubigne, Merle. History of the Reformation in the Time of Calvin. Harrisonburg: Sprinkle Publications, Reprint 2000.
de Greef, Wulfert. The Writings of John Calvin: An Introductory Guide. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Book House, 1993.
De Koster, Lester. Light for the City: Calvin’s Preaching, Source of Life and Liberty. Grand Rapids, MI: William B. Eerdmans Publishing, 2004.
George, Timothy. Theology of the Reformers. Nashville, TN: The Broadman Press, 1988.
Hunter, A. Mitchell. The Teaching of Calvin. Eugene, OR: Wipf & Stock Publishers, 1920, Reprint 1999.
Olin, John C., ed. A Reformation Debate: John Calvin & Jacopo Sadoleto. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Book House, 1966.
Parker, T. H. L. John Calvin: A Biography. Philadelphia, PA: The Westminster Press, 1975.
McNeill, John T. The History and Character of Calvinism. London, England: Oxford University Press, 1954.
Stickelberger, Emanuel. Calvin: A Life. London, England: James Clarke & Company, 1959.
Van Halsema, Thea B. This Was John Calvin. Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan Publishing House, 1959.
Van Til, Henry R. The Calvinistic Concept of Culture. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Book House, 1959.
Wallace, Ronald S. Calvin, Geneva, and the Reformation. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Book House, 1990.
Warfield, Benjamin B. Calvin and Calvinism. Vol. 5. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Book House, 1932, Reprint 2003.
Walker, Williston. John Calvin: Organizer of Reformed Protestantism. New York, NY: Schocken Books, 1969.
Wendel, Francois. Calvin: The Origins and Development of His Religious Thought. New York, NY: Harper and Row, 1963. Grand Rapids: Baker Book House, Reprint 1997.
Zachman, Randall C. John Calvin as Teacher, Pastor, and Theologian. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Book House, 2006.
Dr. Marcus J. Serven, ThM and DMin
The Genevan Foundation – Copyright 2012 – All Rights Reserved
“Greater love has no one than this, that someone lays down his life for his friends.” John 15:13
What kind of man was John Calvin (1509-1564), the Reformer of Geneva? Many people have very strong opinions about him, but few have ever read anything he actually wrote, or heard any of the fascinating stories from his life. Consider this compelling event from December 12, 1547: Calvin’s bold entry into the Council of the Two Hundred during the midst of a deadly sword fight! It is a fine example of his courageous character, positive reputation, and frank outspokenness. This challenging situation came about as Calvin and the other ministers of Geneva sought to advance spiritual and civil reform in that troubled city. The Company of Pastors was on its way to the Small Council to complain about the outcome of a trial against Ami Perrin, the leader of the Libertines, and against Laurent Maigret, a French refugee and personal friend of Calvin. What was the background of this explosive situation?
Ami Perrin and Laurent Maigret had been accused of treasonous activity for making a secret alliance with the French to house troops within the walls of Geneva. With the threat of invasion by the Holy Roman Empire under Charles V (1500-1558) a very real possibility, it only seemed natural for independent Geneva to align itself with its powerful neighbor, France. However, this arrangement became extremely awkward when it was pointed out that France also had imperialistic ambitions towards Geneva and all of western Switzerland. Thus, Ami Perrin and Laurent Maigret were widely suspected of high treason. It must be remembered that the Libertines (also known as the Enfants de Geneva) were clever and determined opponents of Calvin. They sought to gain an unfair advantage over the pastors of the Genevan church whenever and wherever possible. This political situation was no different, and the Libertines cunningly played the Genevan Nationalists against the “foreign” Reformers. Noted Reformation scholar, Brian G. Armstrong, remarks that essentially the Libertines were,
…Genevan patriots and influential families (the Perrins, Favres, Vandels, Bertheliers, etc.) who led the republic to independence and the Reformation. They resented the dominant influence of Calvin and “foreigners” in Genevan affairs. A bitter struggle with Calvin ended in their complete disgrace in 1555.
Armstrong, “Libertines,” quoted in The New International Dictionary of the Christian Church, 595.
Thus, upon his arrest Ami Perrin immediately lost his position as the Captain-General over Geneva’s militia. Both he and Maigret were imprisoned, and a public trial was conducted. Throughout this lengthy trial emotions ran high on both sides; with some clamoring for a guilty verdict and others for acquittal. The city was thrown into turmoil. In a short time, Ami Perrin was acquitted due to a lack of evidence and the Libertines celebrated his exoneration, while Maigret languished in prison. And once again, Geneva was seriously divided over this lop-sided outcome. The Council of Two Hundred was so sufficiently agitated that scuffles and sword fights broke out. It was just at that time (on Monday, December 12, 1547) that the Company of Pastors was passing by the building. Hearing all of the commotion, Calvin ran for the doors and burst inside into the middle of a heated argument. He threw himself into the cauldron of swirling opponents and calmed the warring parties with bold words. The official entry in The Register of the Company of Pastors of Geneva reports the tumultuous event in this way,
On Monday 12 December 1547 it was decided by the brethren to present themselves before Messieurs for the purpose of objecting strongly to the insolence, debauchery, dissoluteness, and hostility which were leading the church and city to ruin; and this was done on the same day. It was further resolved that similar action should be taken by us at the next meeting of the Council of the Two Hundred which was held on the Friday following, namely the 16th day of the same month. On this day we left the Congregation sooner than was customary. This was not done without great blessing from God, for when we arrived at the public hall, where the Two Hundred were assembled, a variety of disputes had already arisen and the minds of nearly all were so inflamed that they were not far from insurrection. Indeed an atrocious shedding of blood would have followed had not the Lord intervened. When he heard the alarming clamor and uproar Calvin rushed ahead into the midst of the tumult which was now quite out of hand, and the others followed him. Nearly all were so agitated and enraged that it was impossible to hear anyone clearly. But after a little while calm was restored and the Two Hundred were brought to order. Presenting ourselves to them, we used the same exhortations as we had used before the Council previously, but on this occasion when insurrection threatened, everything was handled by Calvin much more forcefully.
The Register, from December 12, 1547, 70
On the following day Calvin wrote these revealing and descriptive lines in a personal letter to his friend and fellow-minister, Pierre Viret (1511-1571),
The Two Hundred had been summoned. I had publicly announced to my colleagues that I would go to the senate-house. We were there a little, indeed, before the hour of meeting. As many people were still walking about in the public street, we went out by the gate that is contiguous to the senate-house. Numerous confused shouts were heard from that quarter. These, meanwhile, increased to such a degree as to afford a sure sign of insurrection. I immediately ran up to the place. The appearance of matters was terrible. I cast myself into the thickest of the crowds, to the amazement of almost everyone. The whole people, however, made a rush towards me; they seized and dragged me hither and thither, lest I should suffer injury. I called God and men to witness that I had come for the purpose of presenting my body to their swords. I exhorted them, if they designed to shed blood, to begin with me. The worthless, but especially the respectable portion of the crowd, at once greatly relaxed in their fervor. I was at length dragged through the midst to the Senate. There fresh fights arose, into the midst of which I threw myself. All are of opinion that a great and disgraceful carnage was prevented from taking place by my interposition. My colleagues meanwhile were mixed up with the crowd. I succeeded in getting them to all sit down quietly. They say that all were exceedingly affected by a long and vehement speech, suitable to the occasion, which I delivered. The exceptions were at least few, and even they, not less than the respectable part of the people, praised my conduct in the circumstances. God, indeed, protects myself and colleagues to the extent of the privilege implied in the declaration of even the most abandoned, that they abhor the least injury done to us not less than they detest parricide. Their wickedness has, however, reached such a pitch, that I hardly hope to be able any longer to retain any kind of position for the Church, especially under my ministry. My influence is gone, believe me, unless God stretch forth his hand…Adieu, brother and most sincere friend. Salute your colleague and all the brethren. My wife and I wish yours every greeting. May the Lord be perpetually present with you.—Amen.
John Calvin, Selected Works, A personal letter to Pierre Viret of Lausanne dated December 14, 1547.
Calvin’s bleak prognosis for the demise of his ministry, however, simply did not come true. The Lord “stretched forth his hand” and protected the fledgling church of Geneva. Calvin suffered through many other extraordinary difficulties, yet he persevered and prospered through them with the Lord’s blessing. In time, the Libertines were discredited and the reformers were rewarded with the appreciation of the entire city (1555).
It is also important to note that Calvin’s words were not those of a dictator or a tyrant, but those of servant of the living God who was pressed by dangers on every side. Sadly, Calvin has been falsely accused of oppressive and self-serving behavior. Yet, the numerous facts stand as a stark testimony to his indefatigable service to God and to the citizens of Geneva. He certainly demonstrated the characteristics of bold courage, resolute determination, and self-sacrifice. It has often been said that you don’t really know the character of a man until you see how he acts in the midst of trouble. Here, then, is a window into the personal character of John Calvin that is wide-open for all to see. He was ready to lay down his own life for the sake of others. He presented himself before the swords of his enemies, so that if there was to be any shedding of blood it should begin with him. Moreover, he sincerely believed that the people of the city must be reformed in both doctrine and moral conduct before lasting spiritual fruit would come forth. This outcome, that of true spiritual reformation, was the object of all of his labors. And in time, by God’s grace, he realized his goal.
Resources for Further Study:
Calvin, John. Selected Works of John Calvin: Tracts and Letters. Volume 5. Edited by Jules Bonnet and translated by David Constable. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Book House,1983.
Douglas, J. D., ed. New International Dictionary of the Christian Church. Revised Edition. Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan Publishing House, 1978.
“Calvin, John”, W. S. Reid
“Calvinism”, W. S. Reid
“Geneva Bible”, Robert D. Linder
“Genevan Academy”, W. S. Reid
“Genevan Catechism”, W. S. Reid
“Libertines”, Brian G. Armstrong
“Reformation, The”, Robert D. Linder
Hughes, Philip E. ed. and trans. The Register of the Company of Pastors of Geneva in the Time of Calvin. Grand Rapids, MI: William B. Eerdmans Publishing Company, 1966.
Parker, T. H. L. John Calvin: A Biography. Philadelphia, PA: The Westminster Press, 1975.
McNeill, John T. The History and Character of Calvinism. London, England: Oxford University Press, 1954.
Stickelberger, Emanuel. Calvin: A Life. London, England: James Clarke & Company, 1959.
Walker, Williston. John Calvin: Organizer of Reformed Protestantism. New York, NY: Schocken Books, 1969.
Wendel, Francois. Calvin: The Origins and Development of His Religious Thought. New York, NY: Harper & Row, 1963.
Dr. Marcus J. Serven, ThM and DMin
The Genevan Foundation – Copyright 2014 – All Rights Reserved